Central African Republic Civil War (2012–present)

The Central African Republic conflict is an ongoing civil war in the Central African Republic (CAR) involving the government, rebels from the Séléka coalition and the Anti-balaka militias. [Nineteen]

Map of battles in the Central African Republic (For a more detailed map of the current military situation, see here)

(Four years, eight months, three weeks and four days)

Ongoing sectarian violence

Séléka rebel coalition takes power from François Bozizé. [1]
Fighting inbetween Seleka factions and Anti-balaka militias. [Two]
President Michel Djotodia resigns. Interim government is followed by an elected government.
De facto split inbetween Ex-seleka factions managed north and east and Anti-balaka managed south and west with a Seleka faction announcing the Republic of Logone. [Trio]
Fighting inbetween Ex-seleka factions FPRC and UPC.

Jean-Felix Akaga (until 2013)

Democratic Republic of the Congo: 1,000

one policeman killed

15 soldiers killed [13]

Trio soldiers killed

Two soldiers killed [14]

Three soldiers killed

1 soldier killed

Unknown number killed or wounded

200,000 internally displaced; 20,000 refugees (1 Aug 2013) [15]

700,000 internally displaced; +288,000 refugees (Feb 2014) [16]

Total: Thousands killed [17] +Five,186 killed (till September 2014) [Eighteen]

In the Central African Republic Pubic hair War, the government of President François Bozizé fought with rebels until a peace agreement in 2007. The current conflict arose when a fresh coalition of varied rebel groups, known as Séléka , [20] accused the government of failing to abide by the peace agreements [Nineteen] and captured many towns at the end of 2012. The capital was seized by the rebels in March two thousand thirteen [21] and Bozizé fled the country, [22] and the rebel leader Michel Djotodia proclaimed himself president. [23] Renewed fighting began inbetween Séléka and militias called anti-balaka. [24] In September 2013, President Djotodia disbanded the Seleka coalition which had lost its unity after taking power and in January 2014, Djotodia resigned [25] [26] and was substituted by Catherine Samba-Panza, [27] but the conflict continued. [28] In July 2014, Exséléka factions and anti-balaka representatives signed a ceasefire agreement in Brazzaville. [29] By the end of 2014, the country was de facto partitioned with the anti-Balaka in the south and west, with most of its Muslims evacuated, and ex-Seleka in the north and east. [30] By 2015, there was little government control outside of the capital, Bangui. [30] The dissolution of Seleka led to ex-Seleka fighters forming fresh militia that often fight each other. [30] A rebel leader Noureddine Adam announced the autonomous Republic of Logone on fourteen December 2015. [31] Peacekeeping largely transitioned from the ECCAS led MICOPAX to the AU led MISCA to the UN led MINUSCA while the French peacekeeping mission was known as Operation Sangaris.

Much of the strain is over religious identity inbetween Muslim Seleka fighters and Christian Anti-balaka as well as over historical antagonism inbetween agriculturalists, who largely comprise Anti-balaka and nomadic groups, who largely comprise Seleka fighters and ethnic differences among Exseleka factions. [32] There are over 400,000 displaced people as of 2017. [7]

The peacekeeping force Multinational Force in the Central African Republic (FOMUC) was formed in October two thousand two by the regional economic community, Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC). [33] [34]

After François Bozizé seized power in 2003, the Central African Republic Thicket War (2004–2007) began with the rebellion by the Union of Democratic Compels for Unity (UFDR) in North-Eastern CAR, led by Michel Djotodia. [35] [36] During this conflict, the UFDR rebel compels also fought with several other rebel groups including the Groupe d’activity patriotique pour la libération de Centrafrique (GAPLC), the Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace (CPJP), the People’s Army for the Restoration of Democracy (APRD), the Movement of Central African Liberators for Justice (MLCJ), and the Front démocratique Centrafricain (FDC). [37] Ems of thousands of people were displaced by the unrest, which continued until 2007, with rebel coerces seizing several cities during the conflict.

On thirteen April 2007, a peace agreement inbetween the government and the UFDR was signed in Birao. The agreement provided for an amnesty for the UFDR, its recognition as a political party, and the integration of its fighters into the army. [38] [39] Further negotiations resulted in an Libreville Global Peace Accord agreement in two thousand eight for reconciliation, a unity government, and local elections in two thousand nine and parliamentary and presidential elections in 2010. [40] The fresh unity government that resulted was formed in January 2009. [41] On twelve July 2008, with the waning of the Central African Republic Thicket War, the larger overlapping regional economic community to CEMAC called the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) substituted FOMUC, whose mandate was largely restricted to security, with the Central African Peacebuilding Mission (MICOPAX), who had a broader peace building mandate. [33]

Rebel groups alleged that Bozizé had not followed the terms of the two thousand seven agreement, and that there continued to be political manhandles, especially in the northern part of the country, such as “torment and illegal executions”. [42]

Toppling Bozizé (2012-2013) Edit

Formation of Seleka Edit

In August two thousand twelve a peace agreement was signed inbetween the government and the CPJP. [43] On August 20, 2012, an agreement was signed inbetween a dissident faction of the CPJP, led by Colonel Hassan Al Habib calling itself “Fundamental CPJP”. and the Patriotic Convention for Saving the Country (CPSK). [44] Al Habib announced that, in protest of the peace agreement, the Fundamental CPJP was launching an offensive dubbed “Operation Charles Massi”, in memory of the CPJP founder who was allegedly tantalized and murdered by the government and that his group intended to overthrow Bozizé. [45] [46] In September, fundamental CPJ, using the French name alliance CPSK-CPJP took responsibility for attacks on the towns of Sibut, Damara and Dekoa, killing two members of the army. [47] [48] It claimed that it had killed two extra members of the Central African Armed Compels (FACA) in Damara, capturing military and civilian vehicles, weapons including rockets, and communications equipment, and launched unsuccessful attack on a fourth town, Grimari and promised more operations in future. [49] Mahamath Isseine Abdoulaye, president of the pro-government CPJP faction, countered that the CPJP was committed to the peace agreement and the attacks were the work of Chadian rebels, telling this group of “thieves” would never be able to march on Bangui. Al Habib was killed by the FACA on nineteen September in Daya, a town north of Dekoa. [50]

In November 2012, in Obo, a FACA vehicles were injured in an attack attributed to Chadian Popular Front for Recovery rebels. [51] On ten December 2012, the rebels seized the towns of N’Délé, Sam Ouandja and Ouadda, as well as weapons left by fleeing soldiers. [52] [53] [54] On fifteen December, rebel compels took Bamingui, and three days later they advanced to Bria, moving closer to Bangui.

The alliance for the very first time used the name “Seleka” (meaning “union” in the Sango language) with a press release calling itself “Séléka CPSK-CPJP-UFDR” thus including the Union of Democratic Coerces for Unity (UFDR). [55] The Séléka claim they are fighting because of a lack of progress after a peace deal ended the Pubic hair War. [56] Following an appeal for help from Central African President François Bozizé, the President of Chad, Idriss Déby, pledged to send two thousand troops to help quell the rebellion. [57] [58] The very first Chadian troops arrived on eighteen December to reinforce the CAR contingent in Kaga Bandoro, in prep for a counter-attack on N’Délé.

Séléka coerces took Kabo on nineteen December, a major hub for transport inbetween Chad and CAR, located west and north of the areas previously taken by the rebels. [59] On eighteen December 2012, the Chadian group Popular Front for Recovery (FPR) [60] announced their allegiance to the Séléka coalition. On twenty December 2012, a rebel group based in northern CAR, the Democratic Front of the Central African People (FDPC) joined the Seleka coalition. [61] Four days later the rebel coalition took over Bambari, the country’s third largest town, [62] followed by Kaga-Bandoro on twenty five December. On the same day, President Bozizé met with military advisers in the capital Bangui. [63]

On twenty six December, hundreds of protesters angered by the rebel advance surrounded the French embassy in Bangui, hurling stones, searing tires and tearing down the French flag. The demonstrators accused the former colonial power of failing to help the army fight off rebel coerces. At least fifty people, including women and children, were sheltering inwards the building, protected by a large contingent of around two hundred fifty French troops that surrounded the area. [64] A separate, smaller group of protesters chanted slogans outside the US Embassy and threw stones at cars carrying white passengers, according to news reports. A scheduled Air France weekly flight from Paris to Bangui had to turn back “due to the situation in Bangui”, a spokeswoman at the company said.

Later in the day rebel compels reached Damara, bypassing the town of Sibut where around one hundred fifty Chadian troops are stationed together with CAR troops that withdrew from Kaga-Bandoro. Josué Binoua, the CAR’s minister for territorial administration, requested that France intervene in case the rebels, now only seventy five km (47 mi) away, manage to reach the capital Bangui. Colonel Djouma Narkoyo, a spokesman for Séléka, called on the army to lay down its weapons, adding that “Bozizé has lost all his legitimacy and does not control the country.” [65]

Two children were beheaded with a total of sixteen children killed in Bangui during latest fighting. [66] A total of one thousand people were killed in December. [67]

Government appeals Edit

On twenty seven December, Bozizé asked the international community for assistance, specifically France and the United States, during a speech in the capital Bangui. French President François Hollande rejected the appeal, telling that French troops would only be used to protect French nationals in the CAR, and not to defend Bozizé’s government. Reports indicated that the U.S. military was preparing plans to evacuate “several hundred” American citizens, as well as other nationals. [68] [Sixty-nine] General Jean-Felix Akaga, commander of the Economic Community of Central African States’ (ECCAS) Multinational Force of Central Africa, said the capital was “fully secured” by the troops from its MICOPAX peacekeeping mission, adding that reinforcements should arrive soon. However, military sources in Gabon and Cameroon denied the report, claiming no decision had been taken regarding the crisis. [70]

Government soldiers launched a counterattack against rebel compels in Bambari on twenty eight December, leading to intense clashes, according to a government official. Several witnesses over sixty km (37 mi) away said they could hear detonations and mighty weapons fire for a number of hours. Later, both a rebel leader and a military source confirmed the military attack was repelled and the town remained under rebel control. At least one rebel fighter was killed and three were wounded in the clashes, the military’s casualties were unknown. [71]

Meantime, the foreign ministers in the ECCAS announced that more troops from the Multinational Force for Central Africa (FOMAC) would be sent to the country to support the five hundred sixty members of the MICOPAX mission already present. The announcement was done by Chad’s Foreign Minister Moussa Faki after a meeting in the Gabonese capital Libreville. At the same time, ECCAS deputy secretary general Guy-Pierre Garcia confirmed that the rebels and the CAR government had agreed to unconditional talks, with the purpose to get to negotiations by ten January at the latest. In Bangui, the U.S. Air Force evacuated around forty people from the country, including the American ambassador. The International Committee of the Crimson Cross also evacuated eight of its foreign workers, however local volunteers and fourteen other foreigners remained to help the growing number of displaced people. [72]

Rebel coerces took over the town of Sibut without firing a shot on twenty nine December, as at least sixty vehicles with CAR and Chadian troops retreated to Damara, the last city standing inbetween Séléka and the capital. In Bangui, the government ordered a seven pm to five am curfew and banned the use of motorcycle taxis, fearing they could be used by rebels to infiltrate the city. Residents reported many shop-owners had hired groups of armed studs to guard their property in anticipation of possible looting, as thousands were leaving the city in overcharged cars and boats. The French military contingent rose to four hundred with the deployment of one hundred fifty extra paratroopers sent from Gabon to Bangui M’Poko International Airport. French Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault again stressed that the troops were only present to “protect French and European nationals” and not deal with the rebels. [73] [74]

Truce discussions and foreign troops Edit

On thirty December, President Bozizé agreed to a possible national unity government with members of the Séléka coalition, after meeting with African Union chairperson Thomas Yayi Boni. He added that the CAR government was ready to begin peace talks “without condition and without delay”. [Five] By one January reinforcements from FOMAC began to arrive in Damara to support the four hundred Chadian troops already stationed there as part of the MICOPAX mission. With rebels closing in on the capital Bangui, a total of three hundred sixty soldiers were sent to boost the defenses of Damara – Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo, one hundred twenty each from Gabon, Republic of the Congo and Cameroon, with a Gabonese general in directive of the force. [75] In the capital itself, deadly clashes erupted after police killed a youthfull Muslim man suspected of links to Séléka. According to news reports, the man was arrested overnight, and was shot when he attempted to escape. Shortly after that clashes began in Bangui’s PK5 neighborhood, killing one police officer. Meantime, in a fresh development, the US State Department voiced its concern over the “arrests and disappearances of hundreds of individuals who are members of ethnic groups with ties to the Séléka rebel alliance”.

On two January 2013, a presidential decree read on state radio announced that President Bozizé was the fresh head of the defense ministry, taking over from his son, Jean Francis Bozize. In addition, army chief Guillaume Lapo was dismissed due to failure of the CAR military to stop the rebel offensive in December. [76] Meantime, rebel spokesman Col. Djouma Narkoyo confirmed that Séléka had stopped their advance and will come in peace talks due to begin in Libreville on eight January, on the precondition that government coerces stop arresting members of the Gula tribe. The rebel coalition confirmed it would request the instant departure of president Bozize, who had pledged to see out his term until its end in 2016. Jean-Félix Akaga, the Gabonese general in charge of the MICOPAX force sent by the ECCAS, proclaimed that Damara represented a “crimson line that the rebels cannot cross”, and that doing so would be “a declaration of war” against the ten members of the regional bloc. It was also announced that Angola had contributed to the seven hundred sixty troops stationed in the CAR, while France had further boosted its military presence in the country to six hundred troops, sent to protect French nationals in case it is required. [75]

On six January, South African President Jacob Zuma announced the deployment of four hundred troops to the CAR to assist the compels already present there. Rebel compels secured two puny towns near Bambari as peace talks were scheduled to begin in two days. [77]

Elisabeth Blanche Olofio, a radio journalist for Radio Bé-Oko, was killed by the Séléka coalition, who attacked the station in Bambari and another Radio Kaga in Kaga Bandoro on seven January 2013. [78] [79] [80] Radio Bé-Oko is part of a larger network of apolitical radio stations operating in the Central African Republic, known as L’Association des Radios Communautaires de Centrafrique. [81] [82] The international press freedom organization Reporters Without Borders said it was worried that the rebel attacks were taking their toll on the capability of radio stations to operate in the CAR. [83]

Ceasefire agreement Edit

On eleven January 2013, a ceasefire agreement was signed in Libreville, Gabon. [84] On thirteen January, Bozizé signed a decree that liquidated Prime Minister Faustin-Archange Touadéra from power, as part of the agreement with the rebel coalition. [85] The rebels dropped their request for President François Bozizé to resign, but he had to appoint a fresh prime minister from the opposition by eighteen January 2013. [42] On seventeen January, Nicolas Tiangaye was appointed Prime Minister. [86]

The terms of the agreement also included that National Assembly of the Central African Republic be dissolved within a week with a year-long coalition government formed in its place and a fresh legislative election be held within twelve months (with the possibility of postponement). [87] In addition the makeshift coalition government had to implement judicial reforms, amalgamate the rebel troops with the Bozizé government’s troops in order to establish a fresh national military, set up the fresh legislative elections, as well as introduce other social and economic reforms. [87] Furthermore, Bozizé’s government was required to free all political prisoners imprisoned during the conflict, and foreign troops must comeback to their countries of origin. [42] Under the agreement, Séléka rebels were not required to give up the cities they have taken or were then occupying, allegedly as a way to ensure that the Bozizé government would not renege on the agreement. [42]

Bozizé, who was to remain President until fresh presidential elections in 2016, said the agreement was “. a victory for peace because from now on Central Africans in conflict zones will be eventually liberated from their suffering.” [88]

On twenty three January 2013, the ceasefire was cracked, with the government blaming Séléka [89] and Séléka blaming the government for allegedly failing to honor the terms of the power-sharing agreement. [90] By twenty one March, the rebels had advanced to Bouca, three hundred km from the capital Bangui. [90] On twenty two March, the fighting reached the town of Damara, seventy five km from the capital, [91] with conflicting reports as to which side was in control of the town. [92] Rebels overtook the checkpoint at Damara and advanced toward Bangui, but were stopped with an aerial attack from an attack helicopter. [93]

Fall of Bangui Edit

On eighteen March 2013, the rebels kept their five ministers from returning to Bangui following talks about the peace process in the town of Sibut. The rebels demanded the release of political prisoners and the integration of rebel coerces into the national army. Séléka also desired South African soldiers who had been on assignment in Central African Republic to leave the country. Séléka threatened to take up arms again if the requests were not met, providing the government a deadline of seventy two hours. Before that the rebels seized control of two towns in the country’s southeast, Gambo and Bangassou. [94]

On twenty two March 2013, the rebels renewed their offensive. They took control of the towns of Damara and Bossangoa. After Damara fell, fears were widespread in Bangui that the capital too would soon fall, and a sense of fright pervaded the city, with shops and schools closed. [95] Government coerces shortly halted the rebel advance by firing on the rebel columns with an attack helicopter, [93] but by twenty three March, the rebels shot down the helicopter, [96] entered Bangui, and were “heading for the Presidential Palace,” according to Séléka spokesman Nelson Ndjadder. [97] Rebels reportedly managed to shove out government soldiers in the neighbourhood surrounding Bozizé’s private residence, tho’ the government maintained that Bozizé remained in the Presidential Palace in the centre of the city. [98]

Fighting died down during the night as power and water supplies were cut off. Rebels held the northern suburbs whilst the government retained control of the city centre. A government spokesman insisted that Bozizé remained in power and that the capital was still under government control. [99]

On twenty four March, rebels reached the presidential palace in the centre of the capital, where powerful gunfire erupted. [100] The presidential palace and the rest of the capital soon fell to rebel coerces and Bozizé fled to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. [22] [101] “A presidential adviser said he had crossed the sea into DRC on Sunday morning [24 March] as rebel compels headed for the presidential palace.” [102] He was later said to have sought improvised refuge in Cameroon, according to that country’s government. [103] The United Nations refugee agency received a request from the Congolese government to help budge twenty five members of Bozizé’s family from the border town of Zongo. [104] A spokesman for the president stated that “The rebels control the town; I hope there will not be any reprisals.” [104]

Rebel leaders claimed to have told their studs to refrain from any theft or reprisals but residents in the capital are said to have engaged in widespread looting. Water and power have been cut to the city. [101] Rebel fighters directed looters towards the houses of army officers but fired their rifles in the air to protect the homes of ordinary citizens. [104]

Thirteen South African soldiers were killed and twenty-seven wounded and one was missing after their base on the outskirts of Bangui was attacked by an armed rebel group of Three,000 rebels, commencing an intense firefight inbetween the rebels and the base’s four hundred South African National Defence Force soldiers that lasted an unspecified amount of time. [105] General Solly Shoke, the Chief of the South African National Defence Force, stated at a press conference on twenty four March two thousand thirteen that the SANDF soldiers had ‘inflicted mighty losses’ on the rebels, retained control of their base and coerced the rebels into a ceasefire. Shoke also claimed that there are no plans as yet for the South African troops to leave the Central African Republic, [106] albeit by April Two, only twenty of the original two hundred SANDF troops stationed in the CAR remained in the country. [107]

According to the SANDF, its force of about two hundred soldiers faced three thousand experienced armed rebels, by the time the rebels proposed a cease-fire they had lost five hundred fellows to the thirteen killed and twenty seven wounded of the SANDF. [108] [109] Séléka general Hassan Ahmat claimed his fellows killed “at least thirty six South African soldiers and captured 46”, and lashed out against the SANDF with an accusation of acting as “mercenaries” for Bozizé. [110]

Several peacekeepers from the Central African regional force, including three Chadians, were also killed on twenty four March, when a helicopter operated by Bozize’s compels attacked them, Chad’s presidency said in a statement. [104]

A company of French troops secure Bangui M’Poko International Airport, while a diplomatic source confirmed that Paris had asked for an emergency UN Security Council meeting to discuss the rebel advance. [111] France sent three hundred fifty soldiers to ensure the security of its citizens, a senior official told AFP, bringing the total number of French troops in CAR to almost 600, tho’ a spokesman stated that there are no plans to send further troops to the country. [101] [112] On twenty six March French defence ministry said that French troops guarding the airport had accidentally killed two Indian citizens. The soldiers shot at three vehicles approaching the airport after firing warning shots and themselves coming under fire, the statement said. Two Indian nationals and a number of Cameroonians were wounded in the attack. [113]

On twenty five March 2013, Séléka leader Michel Djotodia, who served after the January agreement as Very first Deputy Prime Minister for National Defense, proclaimed himself President. Djotodia said that there would be a three-year transitional period and that Nicolas Tiangaye would proceed to serve as Prime Minister. [114] Djotodia promptly suspended the constitution and dissolved the government, as well as the National Assembly. [115] He then reappointed Tiangaye as Prime Minister on twenty seven March 2013. [116] [117]

Séléka rule and fall of Djotodia (2013-2014) Edit

Following the rebel victory in the capital, puny pockets of resistance remained and fought against the fresh regime. The resistance consisted mostly of youths that received weapons from the former government. Over one hundred soldiers loyal to the former government were holed up at a base sixty km from the capital, refusing to give up their weapons, albeit talks were underway to permit them to comeback to their homes. By twenty seven March, electrified power was leisurely being restored across the capital and the overall security situation was beginning to improve. [118]

Top military and police officers met with Djotodia and recognized him as President on twenty eight March 2013, in what was viewed as “a form of give up”. [119]

On thirty March, officials from the Crimson Cross announced that they had found seventy eight bods in the capital Bangui since rebels seized it a week earlier. It was unclear if the casualties were civilians or whether they belonged to one of the factions in the conflict. [120]

A fresh government headed by Tiangaye, with thirty four members, was appointed on thirty one March 2013; Djotodia retained the defense portfolio. There were nine members of Séléka in the government, along with eight representatives of the parties that had opposed Bozizé, while only one member of the government was associated with Bozizé. [121] [122] sixteen positions were given to representatives of civil society. The former opposition parties were unhappy with the composition of the government; on one April, they proclaimed that they would boycott the government to protest its dominance by Séléka. They argued that the sixteen positions given to representatives of civil society were in fact “transferred over to Séléka allies disguised as civil society activists”. [123]

On three April 2013, African leaders meeting in Chad announced that they did not recognize Djotodia as President; instead, they proposed the formation of an inclusive transitional council and the holding of fresh elections in eighteen months, rather than three years as envisioned by Djotodia. Speaking on four April, Information Minister Christophe Gazam Betty said that Djotodia had accepted the proposals of the African leaders; however, he suggested that Djotodia could remain in office if he were elected to head the transitional council. [124] Djotodia accordingly signed a decree on six April for the formation of a transitional council that would act as a transitional parliament. The council was tasked with electing an interim president to serve during an 18-month transitional period leading to fresh elections. [125]

The transitional council, composed of one hundred five members, met for the very first time on thirteen April two thousand thirteen and instantaneously elected Djotodia as interim President; there were no other candidates. [126] A few days later, regional leaders publicly accepted Djotodia’s transitional leadership, but, in a symbolic showcase of disapproval, stated that he would “not be called President of the Republic, but Head of State of the Transition”. According to the plans for the transition, Djotodia would not stand as a candidate for President in the election that would conclude the transition. [127] [128]

On thirteen September 2013, Djotodia formally disbands Seleka, which he had lost effective control of once the coalition had taken power. This had little actual effect in stopping manhandles by the militia soldiers who were now referred to as Ex-seleka. [129] Self-defense militias called Antibalaka previously formed to fight crime on a local level, had organized into militias against manhandles by Seleka soldiers. On five December 2013, called “A Day That Will Define Central African Republic”, the antibalaka militias coordinated an attack on Bangui against its Muslim population, killing more than 1,000 civilians, in an unsuccessful attempt to overthrow Djotodia. [130]

On fourteen May CAR’s PM Nicolas Tiangaye requested a UN peacekeeping force from the UN Security Council and on thirty one May former President Bozizé was indicted for crimes against humanity and incitement of genocide. [131] On the same day as the December 5th attacks, the UN Security Council authorized the transfer of MICOPAX to the African Union led peacekeeping mission the International Support Mission in the Central African Republic (MISCA or AFISM-CAR) with troop numbers enhancing from Two,000 to 6,000 [34] [132] as well as for the French peacekeeping mission called Operation Sangaris. [129]

Michel Djotodia and Prime Minister Nicolas Tiangaye resigned on ten January 2014. [133] Despite the resignation of Djotodia, conflict still continued. [134] On nineteen January, Save the Children reported that in Bouar gunmen fired a rocket-propelled grenade in an attempt to halt a convoy of Muslim refugees attempting to flee the violence. The gunmen then attacked them with firearms, machetes and clubs resulting in twenty two deaths. [135] The UN had also warned of a possibility of genocide. [136]

The National Transitional Council elected the fresh interim president of the Central Africa Republic after Nguendet became the acting chief of state. Nguendet, being the president of the provisional parliament and viewed as being close to Djotodia, did not run for the election under diplomatic pressure. [137] The parliament validated the candidatures of eight people out of 24. [138]

On twenty January 2014, Catherine Samba-Panza, the mayor of Bangui, was elected as the interim president in the 2nd round voting. [27] The election of Samba-Panza was welcomed by Ban Ki-moon, the UN Secretary-General. [139] Samba-Panza was viewed as having been neutral and away from clan clashes. Her arrival to the presidency was generally accepted by both the ex-Séléka and the anti-balaka sides. Following the election, Samba-Panza made a speech in the parliament appealing to the ex-Séléka and the anti-balaka for putting down their weapons. [140]

Exseleka and Antibalaka fighting (2014–2016) Edit

The day after the election of the interim president, anti-Muslim violence continued in Bangui, [141] just days after the Muslim former Health Minister Dr. Joseph Kalite was lynched outside the Central Mosque [142] and at least nine other people were killed when attacked when a mob, some of whom were from Christian self-defence groups, looted shops in the Muslim-majority Miskine neighbourhood of Bangui. [143]

The European Union then determined to set up its very first military operations in six years when foreign ministers approved the sending of up to 1,000 soldiers to the country by the end of February to be based around Bangui. Estonia promised to send soldiers, while Lithuania, Slovenia, Finland, Belgium, Poland and Sweden were considering sending troops; Germany, Italy and Fine Britain announced that they would not send soldiers. The budge still needed UNSC approval. [144] As of twenty January, the ICRC reported that it had buried about fifty bods within forty eight hours. [145] It also came after a mob killed two people who they accused of being Muslim, then dragged the bods through the streets and burnt them. [146] Within the previous month, about 1,000 people had died. [147]

In Boali, Muslims sought refuge from sectarian violence at a church, while MISCA troops were present to maintain security. [148] On twenty seven January, Séléka leaders left Bangui under the escort of Chadian peacekeepers. At the same time, eight people were killed and seven others were wounded by a mob in Bangui. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry also said: “The United States is ready to consider targeted sanctions against those who further destabilise the situation, or pursue their own selfish finishes by abetting or encouraging the violence.” [149] Two days later, the UN Security Council unanimously voted to approve sending European Union troops and to give them a mandate to use force, as well as menacing sanctions against those responsible for the violence. The E.U. had pledged five hundred troops to aid African and French troops already in the country. Specifically the resolution permitted for the use of “all necessary measures” to protect civilians. [150]

On five February, following a speech by Samba-Panza which told Four,000 troops and dignitaries at the National School of Magistrates that she had “pride in witnessing so many elements of the Central African Republic Compels reunited”, uniformed soldiers attacked a civilian youth by stamping on his head, stabbing him and throwing stones at him after accusing him of being an infiltrated Séléka member. His assets was then dragged through the streets as MISCA troops looked on; it was then dismembered and burned before the MISCA troops intervened to disperse the crowd with rip gas and firing shots into the air. U.S. State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said: “This sectarian violence must end. [The people of the CAR] break the cycle of violence. [They] must seize the chance afforded by its freshly appointed transitional leadership and a strong level of international support to end the present crisis and budge toward a stable and peaceful society.” [151] The aftermath of Djotodia’s presidency was said to be without law, a functioning police and courts. National Transitional Council member Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua was killed by unknown gunmen in early February. This was condemned by the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in the Central African Republic (BINUCA), whose leader, General Babacar Gaye, condemned the killing and the violence as “unnecessary and indiscriminate violence that creates a climate of fear and encourages the emergence of acts of banditry.” [152]

As UN Secretary-General Ban-ki Moon warned of a de facto partition of the country into Muslim and Christian areas as a result of the sectarian fighting, [153] He also called the conflict an “urgent test” for the UN and the region’s states. [154] Amnesty International blamed the anti-balaka militia of causing a “Muslim exodus of historic proportions.” [155] Samba-Panza suggested poverty and a failure of governance was the cause of the conflict. [156] Some Muslims of the country were also weary of the French presence in MISCA, with the French accused of not doing enough to stop attacks by Christian militias. One of the cited reasons for the difficulty in stopping attacks by anti-balaka militias was the mob nature of these attacks. [157]

On four February 2014, a local priest said seventy five people were killed in the town of Boda, in Lobaye province. [158]

On five February, Samba-Panza gave a speech to a group of Central African soldiers in the Bangui area. Moments after she left in her presidential motorcade, the soldiers lynched a man suspected of being a Séléka member. [159]

On ten February, Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua, a member of Samba-Panza’s transitional government, was killed by unknown gunmen. [152]

On fifteen February, France announced that it would send an extra four hundred troops to the country. French President Francois Hollande’s office called for “enlargened solidarity” with the CAR and for the United Nations Security Council to accelerate the deployment of peacekeeping troops to the CAR. [160] Moon then also called for the rapid deployment of Three,000 extra international peacekeepers. [161]

In the northeast of the country, the former Séléka rebels were reported to be regrouping amid fears of continued reprisal attacks against Muslims in Christian areas and vice versa. In the aforementioned part of the country a fresh armed movement named Justice et Redressement was reported to be operating in and around Paoua and Boguila. Tho’ its goals were unknown, there were threats that the weakening writ of the state could evolve into third-party armed groups form to pursue their own agendas, while even violent Islamist groups could emerge. [ citation needed ]

In the southwest, anti-balaka militants attacked Guen in early February resulting in the deaths of sixty people, according to Father Rigobert Dolongo, who also said that he had helped bury the figures of the dead, at least twenty seven of whom died on the very first day of the attack and forty three others the next day. As a result, hundreds of Muslim refugees sought shelter at a church in Carnot. [162] In the end of the month, French President Francois Hollande made another tour to the country after a security conference in Nigeria. He met the French MISCA contingent, Samba-Panza and other unnamed religious leaders. [163] UN humanitarian coordinator Abdou Dieng said that only about US$100 million, or one-fifth of that which was pledged, had arrived in the country to fight a food shortage. He also warned of a food crisis that was thus looming. [164] On a visit to Angola at the behest of President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who was praised for his “special involvement” in the country, Samba-Panza said: “We do not have a situation of genocide, but the situation prevailing is indeed worrying, so we are fighting to take security to all population, no matter their religions.” She also suggested that while the situation was “worrying” it was “under control.” [165] By mid-March, the UNSC had authorised a probe into possible genocide, which in turn followed International Criminal Court Chief Prosecutor Fatou BEnsouda initiating a preliminary investigation into the “extreme ferocity” and whether it falls into the court’s remit. The UNSC mandate probe would be led by Cameroonian lawyer Bernard Acho Muna, who was the deputy chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, former Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs Jorge Castaneda and Mauritanian lawyer Fatimata M’Baye. [166] On thirteen March, a group of religious leaders — Imam Omar Layama, Reverend Nicolas Gbangou and Archbishop Dieudonne Nzapalainga — asked the Ban-ki Moon to redouble efforts to bring peace to the country. [167]

Flavien Mulume, the acting commander of the Congolese contingent of MISCA, said that two Rwandan peacekeepers were wounded by the anti-balaka after fighting on twenty three March in Bangui. The next day, angry youths had set up barricades to block the MISCA troops from coming in an unnamed neighborhood. [168] On thirty March, a group of Christian mourners was attacked by a Muslim who threw a grenade and resulted in eleven deaths, according to the national Crimson Cross. [169] On twenty nine March, Chadian peacekeepers that were not a part of MISCA entered Bangui’s PK12 district market in a convoy of pick-up trucks at about 15:00 and allegedly indiscriminately opened fire resulting in thirty deaths and over three hundred injuries, according to the UN. Some sources indicated they were in Bangui to evacuate Chadians and other Muslims from the anti-balaka. On three April, Chad announced the withdrawal of its compels from MISCA, which the UN hoped would prevent further incursions by troops travelling directly from Chad. [170] The very first batch of fifty five EUFOR troops arrived in Bangui, according to the French army, and carried out its very first patrol on nine April with the intention of “maintaining security and training local officers.” France called for a vote at the UNSC the next day and expected a unanimous resolution authorising Ten,000 troops and 1,800 police to substitute the over Five,000 African Union soldiers on fifteen September; [171] the motility was then approved. [172] On ten April, MISCA troops escorted over 1,000 Muslims fleeing to Chad with a police source telling “not a single Muslim remains in Bossangoa.” [173] In the week of fourteen May, former Séléka rebels shot and killed a Christian priest in Paoua. The next week, Dimanche Ngodi, an official in Grimari, said that during a clash inbetween the anti-balaka and the former Séléka rebels French MISCA troops intervened resulting in several deaths. Captain Sebastien Isern, spokesman for the French troops, said the anti-balaka group had been “neutralised.” [174]

On twenty eight May, Séléka rebels stormed a Catholic church compound, killing at least 30. [175] On two June, the government banned text messaging, deeming it a security threat, after calls for a general strike were made via SMS. [176] On twenty three June, anti-balaka coerces killed eighteen members of the mostly Muslim village of Bambari. Several youthfull Séléka took vengeance against this attack the same day by killing ten anti-balaka. [177] On eight July, seventeen people were killed when Séléka compels attacked a Catholic church in Bambari, believing that the church was supposedly sheltering anti-balaka troops.

After three days of talks, a ceasefire was signed on twenty four July two thousand fourteen in Brazzaville, Republic of Congo. [178] The Séléka representative was General Mohamed Moussa Dhaffane, [178] and the anti-balaka representative was Patrick Edouard Ngaissona. [179] The talks were mediated by Congolese president Denis Sassou Nguesso. [179] The Séléka delegation had shoved for a formalization of the partition of the Central African Republic with Muslims in the north and Christians in the south but dropped that request in talks. [180] Many factions on the ground claimed the talks were not representative and fighting continued [180] with Séléka’s military leader Joseph Zindeko rejected the ceasefire agreement the next day telling it lacked input from his military wing and brought back the request for partition. [181] Ngaissona told a general assembly of Antibalaka fighters and supporters to lay down their arms and that Antibalaka would be turned into a political party called Central African Party for Unity and Development (PCUD) but he had little control over the liberate network of fighters. [182] Further talks were held with Joachim Kokate signifying the Antibalaka and Djotodia indicating the Exseleka and another ceasefire agreement was reached in Nairobi, Kenya in April 2015. However the talks were not recognized by the French, the UN or the transitional government, who termed the parties “Nairobists”. [129] Similar to the previous ceasefire, it had little effect in stopping the fighting. [183] In May 2015, a national reconciliation conference organized by the transition government of the Central Africa Republic took place. This was called the Bangui National Forum. The forum resulted in the adoption of a Republican Pact for Peace, National Reconciliation and Reconstruction and the signature of a Disarmament, Demobilisation, Rehabilitation and Repatriation (DDRR) agreement among nine of ten armed groups. [184]

With the de facto partition of the country inbetween Ex-Seleka militias in the north and east and Antibalaka militias in the south and west, hostilities inbetween both sides decreased [7] but sporadic fighting continued. In August 2014, thirty four people were reported killed by Séléka fighters around Mbrès. [185] In September 2015, at least forty two people were reported killed and about one hundred injured in Bangui as Muslims attacked a mainly Christian neighborhood after a Muslim man was killed and dumped on the street. [186] In October 2016, twenty five people were reported killed in two days of violence inbetween ex-Seleka and the anti-Balaka in Bambari. [187] Because of enhancing violence, on ten April 2014, the UN Security Council transferred MISCA to a UN peacekeeping operation called the Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) with Ten,000 troops, to be deployed in September that year. [132] MINUSCA drew figurative “red lines” on the roads to keep the peace among rival militias. [7]

In February 2016, after a peaceful election, the former Prime Minister Faustin-Archange Touadéra was elected president. In October 2016, France announced that it was ending its peacekeeping mission in the country, Operation Sangaris and largely withdrew its troops, telling that the operation was a success. [188] Since 2014, there was little government control outside of the capital, Bangui. [30] Armed entrepreneurs have carved out private fiefdoms in which they set up checkpoints, collect illegal taxes, and take in millions of dollars from the illicit coffee, mineral, and timber trades. [30] By 2017, more than fourteen armed groups vied for territory, notably four factions formed by Ex-seleka leaders who control about 60% of the country’s territory. [189]

UPC conflict (2016–present) Edit

Months after the official dissolution of Seleka it was not known who was in charge of Ex-Seleka factions during talks with Antibalaka until on twelve July 2014, Michel Djotodia [191] was reinstated as the head of an ad hoc coalition of Exseleka [192] which renamed itself “The Popular Front for the Rebirth (or Renaissance) of Central African Republic” (FPRC). [193] Later in 2014, Noureddine Adam led the FPRC and began requesting independence for the predominantly Muslim north, a budge rejected by another general, Ali Darassa [7] who formed another Ex-Seleka faction called the “Union for Peace in the Central African Republic” (UPC) which was superior in and around Bambari [30] while the FPRC’s capital is in Bria. [194] Darassa rebuffed numerous attempts to reunify Seleka and threatened FPRC’s hegemony. [192] Noureddine Adam proclaimed the autonomous Republic of Logone or Dar El Kuti [189] on fourteen December two thousand fifteen and intended Bambari as the capital, [189] with the transitional government denouncing the declaration and MINUSCA stating it will use force against any separatist attempt. [190] Another group is the “Central African Patriotic Movement” (MPC) founded by Mahamat Al Khatim. [194]

Much of the violence in this phase of the conflict is inbetween Ex-Seleka militias. It largely commenced with a fight over a goldmine in November 2016, where MPC [194] and the FPRC coalition which incorporated elements of their former enemy, the Anti-balaka, [192] attacked UPC. [195] [196] The violence is often ethnic in nature with the FPRC associated with the Gula and Runga people and the UPC associated with the Fulani. [7] Most of the fighting was in the centrally located Ouaka prefecture, which has the country’s 2nd largest city Bambari, because of its strategic location inbetween the Muslim and Christian regions of the country and its wealth. [194] The fight for Bambari in early two thousand seventeen displaced 20,000. [197] [196] MINUSCA made a sturdy deployment to prevent FPRC taking the city and in February 2017, Joseph Zoundeiko, the chief of staff [Four] of FPRC who previously led the military wing of Seleka, was killed by MINUSCA after crossing one of the crimson lines. [196] At the same time, MINUSCA negotiated the removal of Darassa from the city. This led to UPC to find fresh territory, spreading the fighting from urban to rural areas previously spared. Additionally, the thinly spread MINUSCA relied on Ugandan as well as American special coerces to keep the peace in the southeast as they were part of a campaign to eliminate the Lord’s Resistance Army but the mission ended in April 2017. [192] In May 2017, fighting in the southeast inbetween the antibalaka and UPC [198] killed up to one hundred people in Alindao, and about one hundred fifteen people Bangassou. [199] About 15,000 people fled from their homes and six U.N. peacekeepers were killed – the deadliest month for the mission yet. [200] In June 2017, a ceasefire was signed in Rome by the government and fourteen armed groups including FPRC but the next day tensions over control of mines in Bria led to fightin inbetween an FPRC faction and antibalaka militias, killing more than one hundred people. [201]

In Western CAR, another rebel group, with no known links to Seleka or Antibalaka, called “Come back, Reclamation, Rehabilitation” (3R) formed in two thousand fifteen reportedly by self-proclaimed [202] general Sidiki Abass, claiming to be protecting Muslim Fulani people from an Antibalaka militia led by Abbas Rafal. [202] [203] They are accused of displacing 17,000 people in November two thousand sixteen and at least 30,000 people in the Ouham-Pendé prefecture in December 2016. [203]

Human rights manhandles include the use of child soldiers, rape, torment, extrajudicial killings and compelled disappearances. [204]

Religious cleansing Edit

It is argued that the concentrate of the initial disarmament efforts exclusively on the Seleka inadvertently passed the anti-Balaka the upper forearm, leading to the compelled displacement of Muslim civilians by anti-Balaka in Bangui and western CAR. [30] While comparisons were often posed as the “next Rwanda”, others [205] suggested that the Bosnian Genocide’s may be more apt as people were moving into religiously cleansed neighbourhoods. In 2014, Amnesty International reported several massacres committed by the anti-balakas against Muslim civilians, forcing thousands of Muslims to flee the country. [206] Other sources report incidents of Muslims being cannibalized. [207] [208] Much of the pressure is also over historical antagonism inbetween agriculturalists, who largely comprise Anti-balaka and nomadic groups, who largely comprise Seleka fighters. [32]

Ethnic violence Edit

There was ethnic violence during fighting inbetween the Exseleka militias FPRC and UPC, with the FPRC targeting Fulani people who largely make up the UPC and the UPC targeting the Gula and Runga people, who largely make up FPRC, as being sympathetic to FPRC. [7] In November two thousand sixteen fighting in Bria that killed eighty five civilians, FPRC was reported targeting Fulani people in house-to-house searches, lootings, abductions and killings. [209]

Crime and violence against aid workers Edit

In 2015, humanitarian aid workers in the CAR were involved in more than three hundred sixty five security incidents, more than Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia. By 2017, more than two thirds of all health facilities have been bruised or demolished. [210] The crimes are often committed by individuals not associated with any armed rebel groups. [211] There have been jail violates with more than five hundred inmates escaping from Nagaragba Central Prison, including fighters of both Christian and Muslim militias. [212] By 2017, only eight of thirty five prisons function and few courts operate outside the capital. [213]

Mortality Edit

2013 fatalities were Two,286–2,396+:

March 2013– Seleka (Coalition of five Muslim rebel groups) has overthrown government and seized power. March twenty four – April thirty – around one hundred thirty people killed in Bangui. [214] June – twelve villagers killed. [214] August – twenty one killed during the month. [214] nine September Bouca violence – seventy three [215] -153 [216] killed. Six October – fourteen killed. [217] nine October – thirty [218] -60 [219] killed in clashes. Twelve October – six killed. [220] 4–10 December – six hundred [221] -610 [222] killed in Bangui and other locations. Two,000+ killed in December and January. [223]

Displaced people Edit

In May 2014, it was reported that around 600,000 people in CAR were internally displaced with 160,000 of these in the capital Bangui. The Muslim population of Bangui dropped 99% from 138,000 to 900. [30] By May 2014, 100,000 people had fled to neighbouring Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo [224] and Chad. As of 2017, there are more than 434,000 internally displaced people and 500,000 refugees in neighboring countries out of a total population of Four.8 million, with half needing instant assistance. [210] [225] Cameroon hosted the most refugees, more than 135,000, about 90% of whom are Fulani, even tho’ they constituted 6% of CAR’s population. [226]

Organizations Edit

African Union – Yayi Boni, then-chairman of the African Union, held a press conference in Bangui, stating, “I beg my rebellious brothers, I ask them to cease hostilities, to make peace with President Bozizé and the Central African people . If you stop fighting, you are helping to consolidate peace in Africa. African people do not deserve all this suffering. The African continent needs peace and not war.” [227] Boni went on to call for dialogue inbetween the current government and the rebels. [227] The African Union suspended the Central African Republic from its membership on twenty five March 2013. [228]
European Union – On twenty one December two thousand twelve the High Representative for Foreign AffairsCatherine Ashton called on the armed rebel groups to “cease all hostilities and to respect the Libreville Comprehensive Peace Agreement.” European Commissioner for Humanitarian AidKristalina Georgieva added that she was deeply worried over the situation in the country and that she strongly urged “all armed groups to respect international humanitarian law and the activities of humanitarians”. [229] On one January Ashton once again voiced concern over the violence and urged all parties involved to “take all necessary measures to end, without delay, all exactions against populations in Bangui neighbourhoods that undermine chances of a peaceful dialogue.” [230]

On ten February 2014, the European Union established a military operation entitled EUFOR RCA, with the aim “to provide improvised support in achieving a safe and secure environment in the Bangui area, with a view to handing over to African playmates.” The French Major General Philippe Pontiès was appointed as a commander of this force. [231]

Central African Republic Civil War (2012–present)

Map of battles in the Central African Republic (For a more detailed map of the current military situation, see here)

(Four years, eight months, three weeks and four days)

Ongoing sectarian violence

Séléka rebel coalition takes power from François Bozizé. [1]
Fighting inbetween Seleka factions and Anti-balaka militias. [Two]
President Michel Djotodia resigns. Interim government is followed by an elected government.
De facto split inbetween Ex-seleka factions managed north and east and Anti-balaka managed south and west with a Seleka faction proclaiming the Republic of Logone. [Trio]
Fighting inbetween Ex-seleka factions FPRC and UPC.

Jean-Felix Akaga (until 2013)

Democratic Republic of the Congo: 1,000

one policeman killed

15 soldiers killed [13]

Trio soldiers killed

Two soldiers killed [14]

Three soldiers killed

1 soldier killed

Unknown number killed or wounded

200,000 internally displaced; 20,000 refugees (1 Aug 2013) [15]

700,000 internally displaced; +288,000 refugees (Feb 2014) [16]

Total: Thousands killed [17] +Five,186 killed (till September 2014) [Legitimate]

Much of the stress is over religious identity inbetween Muslim Seleka fighters and Christian Anti-balaka as well as over historical antagonism inbetween agriculturalists, who largely comprise Anti-balaka and nomadic groups, who largely comprise Seleka fighters and ethnic differences among Exseleka factions. [32] There are over 400,000 displaced people as of 2017. [7]

After François Bozizé seized power in 2003, the Central African Republic Thicket War (2004–2007) began with the rebellion by the Union of Democratic Coerces for Unity (UFDR) in North-Eastern CAR, led by Michel Djotodia. [35] [36] During this conflict, the UFDR rebel coerces also fought with several other rebel groups including the Groupe d’activity patriotique pour la libération de Centrafrique (GAPLC), the Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace (CPJP), the People’s Army for the Restoration of Democracy (APRD), the Movement of Central African Liberators for Justice (MLCJ), and the Front démocratique Centrafricain (FDC). [37] Ems of thousands of people were displaced by the unrest, which continued until 2007, with rebel coerces seizing several cities during the conflict.

On thirteen April 2007, a peace agreement inbetween the government and the UFDR was signed in Birao. The agreement provided for an amnesty for the UFDR, its recognition as a political party, and the integration of its fighters into the army. [38] [39] Further negotiations resulted in an Libreville Global Peace Accord agreement in two thousand eight for reconciliation, a unity government, and local elections in two thousand nine and parliamentary and presidential elections in 2010. [40] The fresh unity government that resulted was formed in January 2009. [41] On twelve July 2008, with the waning of the Central African Republic Pubic hair War, the larger overlapping regional economic community to CEMAC called the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) substituted FOMUC, whose mandate was largely restricted to security, with the Central African Peacebuilding Mission (MICOPAX), who had a broader peace building mandate. [33]

Toppling Bozizé (2012-2013) Edit

Formation of Seleka Edit

In August two thousand twelve a peace agreement was signed inbetween the government and the CPJP. [43] On August 20, 2012, an agreement was signed inbetween a dissident faction of the CPJP, led by Colonel Hassan Al Habib calling itself “Fundamental CPJP”. and the Patriotic Convention for Saving the Country (CPSK). [44] Al Habib announced that, in protest of the peace agreement, the Fundamental CPJP was launching an offensive dubbed “Operation Charles Massi”, in memory of the CPJP founder who was allegedly tantalized and murdered by the government and that his group intended to overthrow Bozizé. [45] [46] In September, fundamental CPJ, using the French name alliance CPSK-CPJP took responsibility for attacks on the towns of Sibut, Damara and Dekoa, killing two members of the army. [47] [48] It claimed that it had killed two extra members of the Central African Armed Compels (FACA) in Damara, capturing military and civilian vehicles, weapons including rockets, and communications equipment, and launched unsuccessful brunt on a fourth town, Grimari and promised more operations in future. [49] Mahamath Isseine Abdoulaye, president of the pro-government CPJP faction, countered that the CPJP was committed to the peace agreement and the attacks were the work of Chadian rebels, telling this group of “thieves” would never be able to march on Bangui. Al Habib was killed by the FACA on nineteen September in Daya, a town north of Dekoa. [50]

Two children were beheaded with a total of sixteen children killed in Bangui during latest fighting. [66] A total of one thousand people were killed in December. [67]

Government appeals Edit

Government soldiers launched a counterattack against rebel coerces in Bambari on twenty eight December, leading to mighty clashes, according to a government official. Several witnesses over sixty km (37 mi) away said they could hear detonations and strong weapons fire for a number of hours. Later, both a rebel leader and a military source confirmed the military attack was repelled and the town remained under rebel control. At least one rebel fighter was killed and three were wounded in the clashes, the military’s casualties were unknown. [71]

Rebel compels took over the town of Sibut without firing a shot on twenty nine December, as at least sixty vehicles with CAR and Chadian troops retreated to Damara, the last city standing inbetween Séléka and the capital. In Bangui, the government ordered a seven pm to five am curfew and banned the use of motorcycle taxis, fearing they could be used by rebels to infiltrate the city. Residents reported many shop-owners had hired groups of armed studs to guard their property in anticipation of possible looting, as thousands were leaving the city in overcharged cars and boats. The French military contingent rose to four hundred with the deployment of one hundred fifty extra paratroopers sent from Gabon to Bangui M’Poko International Airport. French Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault again stressed that the troops were only present to “protect French and European nationals” and not deal with the rebels. [73] [74]

Truce discussions and foreign troops Edit

On thirty December, President Bozizé agreed to a possible national unity government with members of the Séléka coalition, after meeting with African Union chairperson Thomas Yayi Boni. He added that the CAR government was ready to begin peace talks “without condition and without delay”. [Five] By one January reinforcements from FOMAC began to arrive in Damara to support the four hundred Chadian troops already stationed there as part of the MICOPAX mission. With rebels closing in on the capital Bangui, a total of three hundred sixty soldiers were sent to boost the defenses of Damara – Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo, one hundred twenty each from Gabon, Republic of the Congo and Cameroon, with a Gabonese general in guideline of the force. [75] In the capital itself, deadly clashes erupted after police killed a youthful Muslim man suspected of links to Séléka. According to news reports, the man was arrested overnight, and was shot when he attempted to escape. Shortly after that clashes began in Bangui’s PK5 neighborhood, killing one police officer. Meantime, in a fresh development, the US State Department voiced its concern over the “arrests and disappearances of hundreds of individuals who are members of ethnic groups with ties to the Séléka rebel alliance”.

On two January 2013, a presidential decree read on state radio announced that President Bozizé was the fresh head of the defense ministry, taking over from his son, Jean Francis Bozize. In addition, army chief Guillaume Lapo was dismissed due to failure of the CAR military to stop the rebel offensive in December. [76] Meantime, rebel spokesman Col. Djouma Narkoyo confirmed that Séléka had stopped their advance and will come in peace talks due to embark in Libreville on eight January, on the precondition that government compels stop arresting members of the Gula tribe. The rebel coalition confirmed it would request the instantaneous departure of president Bozize, who had pledged to see out his term until its end in 2016. Jean-Félix Akaga, the Gabonese general in charge of the MICOPAX force sent by the ECCAS, announced that Damara represented a “crimson line that the rebels cannot cross”, and that doing so would be “a declaration of war” against the ten members of the regional bloc. It was also announced that Angola had contributed to the seven hundred sixty troops stationed in the CAR, while France had further boosted its military presence in the country to six hundred troops, sent to protect French nationals in case it is required. [75]

On six January, South African President Jacob Zuma announced the deployment of four hundred troops to the CAR to assist the coerces already present there. Rebel coerces secured two puny towns near Bambari as peace talks were scheduled to begin in two days. [77]

Ceasefire agreement Edit

The terms of the agreement also included that National Assembly of the Central African Republic be dissolved within a week with a year-long coalition government formed in its place and a fresh legislative election be held within twelve months (with the possibility of postponement). [87] In addition the makeshift coalition government had to implement judicial reforms, amalgamate the rebel troops with the Bozizé government’s troops in order to establish a fresh national military, set up the fresh legislative elections, as well as introduce other social and economic reforms. [87] Furthermore, Bozizé’s government was required to free all political prisoners imprisoned during the conflict, and foreign troops must come back to their countries of origin. [42] Under the agreement, Séléka rebels were not required to give up the cities they have taken or were then occupying, allegedly as a way to ensure that the Bozizé government would not renege on the agreement. [42]

On twenty three January 2013, the ceasefire was violated, with the government blaming Séléka [89] and Séléka blaming the government for allegedly failing to honor the terms of the power-sharing agreement. [90] By twenty one March, the rebels had advanced to Bouca, three hundred km from the capital Bangui. [90] On twenty two March, the fighting reached the town of Damara, seventy five km from the capital, [91] with conflicting reports as to which side was in control of the town. [92] Rebels overtook the checkpoint at Damara and advanced toward Bangui, but were stopped with an aerial brunt from an attack helicopter. [93]

Fall of Bangui Edit

On twenty two March 2013, the rebels renewed their offensive. They took control of the towns of Damara and Bossangoa. After Damara fell, fears were widespread in Bangui that the capital too would soon fall, and a sense of scare pervaded the city, with shops and schools closed. [95] Government compels shortly halted the rebel advance by firing on the rebel columns with an attack helicopter, [93] but by twenty three March, the rebels shot down the helicopter, [96] entered Bangui, and were “heading for the Presidential Palace,” according to Séléka spokesman Nelson Ndjadder. [97] Rebels reportedly managed to shove out government soldiers in the neighbourhood surrounding Bozizé’s private residence, tho’ the government maintained that Bozizé remained in the Presidential Palace in the centre of the city. [98]

On twenty four March, rebels reached the presidential palace in the centre of the capital, where strenuous gunfire erupted. [100] The presidential palace and the rest of the capital soon fell to rebel compels and Bozizé fled to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. [22] [101] “A presidential adviser said he had crossed the sea into DRC on Sunday morning [24 March] as rebel coerces headed for the presidential palace.” [102] He was later said to have sought improvised refuge in Cameroon, according to that country’s government. [103] The United Nations refugee agency received a request from the Congolese government to help budge twenty five members of Bozizé’s family from the border town of Zongo. [104] A spokesman for the president stated that “The rebels control the town; I hope there will not be any reprisals.” [104]

Rebel leaders claimed to have told their guys to refrain from any theft or reprisals but residents in the capital are said to have engaged in widespread looting. Water and power have been cut to the city. [101] Rebel fighters directed looters towards the houses of army officers but fired their rifles in the air to protect the homes of ordinary citizens. [104]

Thirteen South African soldiers were killed and twenty-seven wounded and one was missing after their base on the outskirts of Bangui was attacked by an armed rebel group of Three,000 rebels, beginning an intense firefight inbetween the rebels and the base’s four hundred South African National Defence Force soldiers that lasted an unspecified amount of time. [105] General Solly Shoke, the Chief of the South African National Defence Force, stated at a press conference on twenty four March two thousand thirteen that the SANDF soldiers had ‘inflicted intense losses’ on the rebels, retained control of their base and compelled the rebels into a ceasefire. Shoke also claimed that there are no plans as yet for the South African troops to leave the Central African Republic, [106] albeit by April Two, only twenty of the original two hundred SANDF troops stationed in the CAR remained in the country. [107]

According to the SANDF, its force of about two hundred soldiers faced three thousand experienced armed rebels, by the time the rebels proposed a cease-fire they had lost five hundred studs to the thirteen killed and twenty seven wounded of the SANDF. [108] [109] Séléka general Hassan Ahmat claimed his fellows killed “at least thirty six South African soldiers and captured 46”, and lashed out against the SANDF with an accusation of acting as “mercenaries” for Bozizé. [110]

Several peacekeepers from the Central African regional force, including three Chadians, were also killed on twenty four March, when a helicopter operated by Bozize’s coerces attacked them, Chad’s presidency said in a statement. [104]

On twenty five March 2013, Séléka leader Michel Djotodia, who served after the January agreement as Very first Deputy Prime Minister for National Defense, announced himself President. Djotodia said that there would be a three-year transitional period and that Nicolas Tiangaye would proceed to serve as Prime Minister. [114] Djotodia promptly suspended the constitution and dissolved the government, as well as the National Assembly. [115] He then reappointed Tiangaye as Prime Minister on twenty seven March 2013. [116] [117]

Séléka rule and fall of Djotodia (2013-2014) Edit

Following the rebel victory in the capital, petite pockets of resistance remained and fought against the fresh regime. The resistance consisted mostly of youths that received weapons from the former government. Over one hundred soldiers loyal to the former government were holed up at a base sixty km from the capital, refusing to capitulate their weapons, albeit talks were underway to permit them to come back to their homes. By twenty seven March, electrical power was leisurely being restored across the capital and the overall security situation was beginning to improve. [118]

Top military and police officers met with Djotodia and recognized him as President on twenty eight March 2013, in what was viewed as “a form of give up”. [119]

A fresh government headed by Tiangaye, with thirty four members, was appointed on thirty one March 2013; Djotodia retained the defense portfolio. There were nine members of Séléka in the government, along with eight representatives of the parties that had opposed Bozizé, while only one member of the government was associated with Bozizé. [121] [122] sixteen positions were given to representatives of civil society. The former opposition parties were unhappy with the composition of the government; on one April, they announced that they would boycott the government to protest its dominance by Séléka. They argued that the sixteen positions given to representatives of civil society were in fact “passed over to Séléka allies disguised as civil society activists”. [123]

On three April 2013, African leaders meeting in Chad proclaimed that they did not recognize Djotodia as President; instead, they proposed the formation of an inclusive transitional council and the holding of fresh elections in eighteen months, rather than three years as envisioned by Djotodia. Speaking on four April, Information Minister Christophe Gazam Betty said that Djotodia had accepted the proposals of the African leaders; however, he suggested that Djotodia could remain in office if he were elected to head the transitional council. [124] Djotodia accordingly signed a decree on six April for the formation of a transitional council that would act as a transitional parliament. The council was tasked with electing an interim president to serve during an 18-month transitional period leading to fresh elections. [125]

The transitional council, composed of one hundred five members, met for the very first time on thirteen April two thousand thirteen and instantly elected Djotodia as interim President; there were no other candidates. [126] A few days later, regional leaders publicly accepted Djotodia’s transitional leadership, but, in a symbolic showcase of disapproval, stated that he would “not be called President of the Republic, but Head of State of the Transition”. According to the plans for the transition, Djotodia would not stand as a candidate for President in the election that would conclude the transition. [127] [128]

On fourteen May CAR’s PM Nicolas Tiangaye requested a UN peacekeeping force from the UN Security Council and on thirty one May former President Bozizé was indicted for crimes against humanity and incitement of genocide. [131] On the same day as the December 5th attacks, the UN Security Council authorized the transfer of MICOPAX to the African Union led peacekeeping mission the International Support Mission in the Central African Republic (MISCA or AFISM-CAR) with troop numbers enlargening from Two,000 to 6,000 [34] [132] as well as for the French peacekeeping mission called Operation Sangaris. [129]

Exseleka and Antibalaka fighting (2014-2016) Edit

The day after the election of the interim President, anti-Muslim violence continued in Bangui, [141] just days after the Muslim former Health Minister Dr. Joseph Kalite was lynched outside the Central Mosque [142] and at least nine other people were killed when attacked when a mob, some of who were from Christian self-defence groups, looted shops in the Muslim-majority Miskine neighbourhood of Bangui. [143]

The European Union then determined to set up its very first military operations in six years when foreign ministers approved the sending of up to 1,000 soldiers to the country by the end of February to be based around Bangui. Estonia promised to send soldiers, while Lithuania, Slovenia, Finland, Belgium, Poland and Sweden were considering sending troops; Germany, Italy and Good Britain announced that they would not send soldiers. The budge still needed UNSC approval. [144] As of twenty January, the ICRC reported that it had buried about fifty figures within forty eight hours. [145] It also came after a mob killed two people who they accused of being Muslim, then dragged the figures through the streets and burnt them. [146] Within the previous month, about 1,000 people had died. [147]

On five February, following a speech by Samba-Panza had told Four,000 troops and dignitaries at the National School of Magistrates that she had “pride in observing so many elements of the Central African Republic Compels reunited,” uniformed soldiers attacked a civilian youth by stamping on his head, stabbing him and throwing stones at him after accusing him of being an infiltrated Séléka member. His figure was then dragged through the streets as MISCA troops looked on; it was then dismembered and burned before the MISCA troops intervened to disperse the crowd with rip gas and firing shots into the air. U.S. State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said: “This sectarian violence must end. [The people of the CAR] break the cycle of violence. [They] must seize the chance afforded by its freshly appointed transitional leadership and a strong level of international support to end the present crisis and budge toward a stable and peaceful society.” [151] The aftermath of Djotodia’s presidency was said to be without law, a functioning police and courts. National Transitional Council member Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua was killed by unknown gunmen in early February. This was condemned by the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in the Central African Republic (BINUCA), whose leader, General Babacar Gaye, condemned the killing and the violence as “unnecessary and indiscriminate violence that creates a climate of fear and encourages the emergence of acts of banditry.” [152]

On four February 2014, a local priest said seventy five people were killed in the town of Boda, in Lobaye province. [158]

On ten February, Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua, a member of Samba-Panza’s transitional government, was killed by unknown gunmen. [152]

On fifteen February, France announced that it would send an extra four hundred troops to the country. French President Francois Hollande’s office called for “enhanced solidarity” with the CAR and for the United Nations Security Council to accelerate the deployment of peacekeeping troops to the CAR. [160] Moon then also called for the rapid deployment of Trio,000 extra international peacekeepers. [161]

In the northeast of the country, the former Séléka rebels were reported to be regrouping amid fears of continued reprisal attacks against Muslims in Christian areas and vice versa. In the aforementioned part of the country a fresh armed movement named Justice et Redressement was reported to be operating in and around Paoua and Boguila. However its goals were unknown, there were threats that the weakening writ of the state could evolve into third-party armed groups form to pursue their own agendas, while even violent Islamist groups could emerge. [ citation needed ]

In the southwest, anti-balaka militants attacked Guen in early February resulting in the deaths of sixty people, according to Father Rigobert Dolongo, who also said that he had helped bury the figures of the dead, at least twenty seven of whom died on the very first day of the attack and forty three others the next day. As a result, hundreds of Muslim refugees sought shelter at a church in Carnot. [162] In the end of the month, French President Francois Hollande made another journey to the country after a security conference in Nigeria. He met the French MISCA contingent, Samba-Panza and other unnamed religious leaders. [163] UN humanitarian coordinator Abdou Dieng said that only about US$100 million, or one-fifth of that which was pledged, had arrived in the country to fight a food shortage. He also warned of a food crisis that was thus looming. [164] On a visit to Angola at the behest of President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who was praised for his “special involvement” in the country, Samba-Panza said: “We do not have a situation of genocide, but the situation prevailing is truly worrying, so we are fighting to take security to all population, no matter their religions.” She also suggested that while the situation was “worrying” it was “under control.” [165] By mid-March, the UNSC had authorised a probe into possible genocide, which in turn followed International Criminal Court Chief Prosecutor Fatou BEnsouda initiating a preliminary investigation into the “extreme ferocity” and whether it falls into the court’s remit. The UNSC mandate probe would be led by Cameroonian lawyer Bernard Acho Muna, who was the deputy chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, former Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs Jorge Castaneda and Mauritanian lawyer Fatimata M’Baye. [166] On thirteen March, a group of religious leaders — Imam Omar Layama, Reverend Nicolas Gbangou and Archbishop Dieudonne Nzapalainga — asked the Ban-ki Moon to redouble efforts to bring peace to the country. [167]

Flavien Mulume, the acting commander of the Congolese contingent of MISCA, said that two Rwandan peacekeepers were wounded by the anti-balaka after fighting on twenty three March in Bangui. The next day, angry youths had set up barricades to block the MISCA troops from injecting an unnamed neighborhood. [168] On thirty March, a group of Christian mourners was attacked by a Muslim who threw a grenade and resulted in eleven deaths, according to the national Crimson Cross. [169] On twenty nine March, Chadian peacekeepers that were not a part of MISCA entered Bangui’s PK12 district market in a convoy of pick-up trucks at about 15:00 and allegedly indiscriminately opened fire resulting in thirty deaths and over three hundred injuries, according to the UN. Some sources indicated they were in Bangui to evacuate Chadians and other Muslims from the anti-balaka. On three April, Chad announced the withdrawal of its coerces from MISCA, which the UN hoped would prevent further incursions by troops travelling directly from Chad. [170] The very first batch of fifty five EUFOR troops arrived in Bangui, according to the French army, and carried out its very first patrol on nine April with the intention of “maintaining security and training local officers.” France called for a vote at the UNSC the next day and expected a unanimous resolution authorising Ten,000 troops and 1,800 police to substitute the over Five,000 African Union soldiers on fifteen September; [171] the motility was then approved. [172] On ten April, MISCA troops escorted over 1,000 Muslims fleeing to Chad with a police source telling “not a single Muslim remains in Bossangoa.” [173] In the week of fourteen May, former Séléka rebels shot and killed a Christian priest in Paoua. The next week, Dimanche Ngodi, an official in Grimari, said that during a clash inbetween the anti-balaka and the former Séléka rebels French MISCA troops intervened resulting in several deaths. Captain Sebastien Isern, spokesman for the French troops, said the anti-balaka group had been “neutralised.” [174]

After three days of talks, a ceasefire was signed on twenty four July two thousand fourteen in Brazzaville, Republic of Congo. [178] The Séléka representative was General Mohamed Moussa Dhaffane, [178] and the anti-balaka representative was Patrick Edouard Ngaissona. [179] The talks were mediated by Congolese president Denis Sassou Nguesso. [179] The Séléka delegation had shoved for a formalization of the partition of the Central African Republic with Muslims in the north and Christians in the south but dropped that request in talks. [180] Many factions on the ground claimed the talks were not representative and fighting continued [180] with Séléka’s military leader Joseph Zindeko rejected the ceasefire agreement the next day telling it lacked input from his military wing and brought back the request for partition. [181] Ngaissona told a general assembly of Antibalaka fighters and supporters to lay down their arms and that Antibalaka would be turned into a political party called Central African Party for Unity and Development (PCUD) but he had little control over the liberate network of fighters. [182] Further talks were held with Joachim Kokate indicating the Antibalaka and Djotodia signifying the Exseleka and another ceasefire agreement was reached in Nairobi, Kenya in April 2015. However the talks were not recognized by the French, the UN or the transitional government, who termed the parties “Nairobists”. [129] Similar to the previous ceasefire, it had little effect in stopping the fighting. [183] In May 2015, a national reconciliation conference organized by the transition government of the Central Africa Republic took place. This was called the Bangui National Forum. The forum resulted in the adoption of a Republican Pact for Peace, National Reconciliation and Reconstruction and the signature of a Disarmament, Demobilisation, Rehabilitation and Repatriation (DDRR) agreement among nine of ten armed groups. [184]

In February 2016, after a peaceful election, the former Prime Minister Faustin-Archange Touadéra was elected president. In October 2016, France announced that it was ending its peacekeeping mission in the country, Operation Sangaris and largely withdrew its troops, telling that the operation was a success. [188] Since 2014, there was little government control outside of the capital, Bangui. [30] Armed entrepreneurs have carved out individual fiefdoms in which they set up checkpoints, collect illegal taxes, and take in millions of dollars from the illicit coffee, mineral, and timber trades. [30] By 2017, more than fourteen armed groups vied for territory, notably four factions formed by Ex-seleka leaders who control about 60% of the country’s territory. [189]

UPC conflict (2016–present) Edit

Months after the official dissolution of Seleka it was not known who was in charge of Ex-Seleka factions during talks with Antibalaka until on twelve July 2014, Michel Djotodia [191] was reinstated as the head of an ad hoc coalition of Exseleka [192] which renamed itself “The Popular Front for the Rebirth (or Renaissance) of Central African Republic” (FPRC). [193] Later in 2014, Noureddine Adam led the FPRC and began requiring independence for the predominantly Muslim north, a budge rejected by another general, Ali Darassa [7] who formed another Ex-Seleka faction called the “Union for Peace in the Central African Republic” (UPC) which was superior in and around Bambari [30] while the FPRC’s capital is in Bria. [194] Darassa rebuffed numerous attempts to reunify Seleka and threatened FPRC’s hegemony. [192] Noureddine Adam announced the autonomous Republic of Logone or Dar El Kuti [189] on fourteen December two thousand fifteen and intended Bambari as the capital, [189] with the transitional government denouncing the declaration and MINUSCA stating it will use force against any separatist attempt. [190] Another group is the “Central African Patriotic Movement” (MPC) founded by Mahamat Al Khatim. [194]

Much of the violence in this phase of the conflict is inbetween Ex-Seleka militias. It largely commenced with a fight over a goldmine in November 2016, where MPC [194] and the FPRC coalition which incorporated elements of their former enemy, the Anti-balaka, [192] attacked UPC. [195] [196] The violence is often ethnic in nature with the FPRC associated with the Gula and Runga people and the UPC associated with the Fulani. [7] Most of the fighting was in the centrally located Ouaka prefecture, which has the country’s 2nd largest city Bambari, because of its strategic location inbetween the Muslim and Christian regions of the country and its wealth. [194] The fight for Bambari in early two thousand seventeen displaced 20,000. [197] [196] MINUSCA made a sturdy deployment to prevent FPRC taking the city and in February 2017, Joseph Zoundeiko, the chief of staff [Four] of FPRC who previously led the military wing of Seleka, was killed by MINUSCA after crossing one of the crimson lines. [196] At the same time, MINUSCA negotiated the removal of Darassa from the city. This led to UPC to find fresh territory, spreading the fighting from urban to rural areas previously spared. Additionally, the thinly spread MINUSCA relied on Ugandan as well as American special compels to keep the peace in the southeast as they were part of a campaign to eliminate the Lord’s Resistance Army but the mission ended in April 2017. [192] In May 2017, fighting in the southeast inbetween the antibalaka and UPC [198] killed up to one hundred people in Alindao, and about one hundred fifteen people Bangassou. [199] About 15,000 people fled from their homes and six U.N. peacekeepers were killed – the deadliest month for the mission yet. [200] In June 2017, a ceasefire was signed in Rome by the government and fourteen armed groups including FPRC but the next day tensions over control of mines in Bria led to fightin inbetween an FPRC faction and antibalaka militias, killing more than one hundred people. [201]

Human rights manhandles include the use of child soldiers, rape, torment, extrajudicial killings and compelled disappearances. [204]

Religious cleansing Edit

It is argued that the concentrate of the initial disarmament efforts exclusively on the Seleka inadvertently passed the anti-Balaka the upper mitt, leading to the coerced displacement of Muslim civilians by anti-Balaka in Bangui and western CAR. [30] While comparisons were often posed as the “next Rwanda”, others [205] suggested that the Bosnian Genocide’s may be more apt as people were moving into religiously cleansed neighbourhoods. In 2014, Amnesty International reported several massacres committed by the anti-balakas against Muslim civilians, forcing thousands of Muslims to flee the country. [206] Other sources report incidents of Muslims being cannibalized. [207] [208] Much of the pressure is also over historical antagonism inbetween agriculturalists, who largely comprise Anti-balaka and nomadic groups, who largely comprise Seleka fighters. [32]

Ethnic violence Edit

Crime and violence against aid workers Edit

Mortality Edit

2013 fatalities were Two,286–2,396+:

Displaced people Edit

Organizations Edit

African Union – Yayi Boni, then-chairman of the African Union, held a press conference in Bangui, stating, “I beg my rebellious brothers, I ask them to cease hostilities, to make peace with President Bozizé and the Central African people . If you stop fighting, you are helping to consolidate peace in Africa. African people do not deserve all this suffering. The African continent needs peace and not war.” [227] Boni went on to call for dialogue inbetween the current government and the rebels. [227] The African Union suspended the Central African Republic from its membership on twenty five March 2013. [228]
European Union – On twenty one December two thousand twelve the High Representative for Foreign AffairsCatherine Ashton called on the armed rebel groups to “cease all hostilities and to respect the Libreville Comprehensive Peace Agreement.” European Commissioner for Humanitarian AidKristalina Georgieva added that she was deeply worried over the situation in the country and that she strongly urged “all armed groups to respect international humanitarian law and the activities of humanitarians”. [229] On one January Ashton once again voiced concern over the violence and urged all parties involved to “take all necessary measures to end, without delay, all exactions against populations in Bangui neighbourhoods that undermine chances of a peaceful dialogue.” [230]

Central African Republic Civil War (2012–present)

Map of battles in the Central African Republic (For a more detailed map of the current military situation, see here)

(Four years, eight months, three weeks and four days)

Ongoing sectarian violence

Séléka rebel coalition takes power from François Bozizé. [1]
Fighting inbetween Seleka factions and Anti-balaka militias. [Two]
President Michel Djotodia resigns. Interim government is followed by an elected government.
De facto split inbetween Ex-seleka factions managed north and east and Anti-balaka managed south and west with a Seleka faction announcing the Republic of Logone. [Trio]
Fighting inbetween Ex-seleka factions FPRC and UPC.

Jean-Felix Akaga (until 2013)

Democratic Republic of the Congo: 1,000

one policeman killed

15 soldiers killed [13]

Three soldiers killed

Two soldiers killed [14]

Three soldiers killed

1 soldier killed

Unknown number killed or wounded

200,000 internally displaced; 20,000 refugees (1 Aug 2013) [15]

700,000 internally displaced; +288,000 refugees (Feb 2014) [16]

Total: Thousands killed [17] +Five,186 killed (till September 2014) [Legal]

In the Central African Republic Thicket War, the government of President François Bozizé fought with rebels until a peace agreement in 2007. The current conflict arose when a fresh coalition of varied rebel groups, known as Séléka , [20] accused the government of failing to abide by the peace agreements [Nineteen] and captured many towns at the end of 2012. The capital was seized by the rebels in March two thousand thirteen [21] and Bozizé fled the country, [22] and the rebel leader Michel Djotodia announced himself president. [23] Renewed fighting began inbetween Séléka and militias called anti-balaka. [24] In September 2013, President Djotodia disbanded the Seleka coalition which had lost its unity after taking power and in January 2014, Djotodia resigned [25] [26] and was substituted by Catherine Samba-Panza, [27] but the conflict continued. [28] In July 2014, Exséléka factions and anti-balaka representatives signed a ceasefire agreement in Brazzaville. [29] By the end of 2014, the country was de facto partitioned with the anti-Balaka in the south and west, with most of its Muslims evacuated, and ex-Seleka in the north and east. [30] By 2015, there was little government control outside of the capital, Bangui. [30] The dissolution of Seleka led to ex-Seleka fighters forming fresh militia that often fight each other. [30] A rebel leader Noureddine Adam announced the autonomous Republic of Logone on fourteen December 2015. [31] Peacekeeping largely transitioned from the ECCAS led MICOPAX to the AU led MISCA to the UN led MINUSCA while the French peacekeeping mission was known as Operation Sangaris.

Much of the pressure is over religious identity inbetween Muslim Seleka fighters and Christian Anti-balaka as well as over historical antagonism inbetween agriculturalists, who largely comprise Anti-balaka and nomadic groups, who largely comprise Seleka fighters and ethnic differences among Exseleka factions. [32] There are over 400,000 displaced people as of 2017. [7]

After François Bozizé seized power in 2003, the Central African Republic Pubic hair War (2004–2007) began with the rebellion by the Union of Democratic Compels for Unity (UFDR) in North-Eastern CAR, led by Michel Djotodia. [35] [36] During this conflict, the UFDR rebel compels also fought with several other rebel groups including the Groupe d’activity patriotique pour la libération de Centrafrique (GAPLC), the Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace (CPJP), the People’s Army for the Restoration of Democracy (APRD), the Movement of Central African Liberators for Justice (MLCJ), and the Front démocratique Centrafricain (FDC). [37] Ems of thousands of people were displaced by the unrest, which continued until 2007, with rebel compels seizing several cities during the conflict.

On thirteen April 2007, a peace agreement inbetween the government and the UFDR was signed in Birao. The agreement provided for an amnesty for the UFDR, its recognition as a political party, and the integration of its fighters into the army. [38] [39] Further negotiations resulted in an Libreville Global Peace Accord agreement in two thousand eight for reconciliation, a unity government, and local elections in two thousand nine and parliamentary and presidential elections in 2010. [40] The fresh unity government that resulted was formed in January 2009. [41] On twelve July 2008, with the waning of the Central African Republic Pubic hair War, the larger overlapping regional economic community to CEMAC called the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) substituted FOMUC, whose mandate was largely restricted to security, with the Central African Peacebuilding Mission (MICOPAX), who had a broader peace building mandate. [33]

Toppling Bozizé (2012-2013) Edit

Formation of Seleka Edit

In August two thousand twelve a peace agreement was signed inbetween the government and the CPJP. [43] On August 20, 2012, an agreement was signed inbetween a dissident faction of the CPJP, led by Colonel Hassan Al Habib calling itself “Fundamental CPJP”. and the Patriotic Convention for Saving the Country (CPSK). [44] Al Habib announced that, in protest of the peace agreement, the Fundamental CPJP was launching an offensive dubbed “Operation Charles Massi”, in memory of the CPJP founder who was allegedly tantalized and murdered by the government and that his group intended to overthrow Bozizé. [45] [46] In September, fundamental CPJ, using the French name alliance CPSK-CPJP took responsibility for attacks on the towns of Sibut, Damara and Dekoa, killing two members of the army. [47] [48] It claimed that it had killed two extra members of the Central African Armed Coerces (FACA) in Damara, capturing military and civilian vehicles, weapons including rockets, and communications equipment, and launched unsuccessful onslaught on a fourth town, Grimari and promised more operations in future. [49] Mahamath Isseine Abdoulaye, president of the pro-government CPJP faction, countered that the CPJP was committed to the peace agreement and the attacks were the work of Chadian rebels, telling this group of “thieves” would never be able to march on Bangui. Al Habib was killed by the FACA on nineteen September in Daya, a town north of Dekoa. [50]

In November 2012, in Obo, a FACA vehicles were injured in an attack attributed to Chadian Popular Front for Recovery rebels. [51] On ten December 2012, the rebels seized the towns of N’Délé, Sam Ouandja and Ouadda, as well as weapons left by fleeing soldiers. [52] [53] [54] On fifteen December, rebel coerces took Bamingui, and three days later they advanced to Bria, moving closer to Bangui.

The alliance for the very first time used the name “Seleka” (meaning “union” in the Sango language) with a press release calling itself “Séléka CPSK-CPJP-UFDR” thus including the Union of Democratic Coerces for Unity (UFDR). [55] The Séléka claim they are fighting because of a lack of progress after a peace deal ended the Thicket War. [56] Following an appeal for help from Central African President François Bozizé, the President of Chad, Idriss Déby, pledged to send two thousand troops to help quell the rebellion. [57] [58] The very first Chadian troops arrived on eighteen December to reinforce the CAR contingent in Kaga Bandoro, in prep for a counter-attack on N’Délé.

On twenty six December, hundreds of protesters angered by the rebel advance surrounded the French embassy in Bangui, hurling stones, searing tires and tearing down the French flag. The demonstrators accused the former colonial power of failing to help the army fight off rebel compels. At least fifty people, including women and children, were sheltering inwards the building, protected by a large contingent of around two hundred fifty French troops that surrounded the area. [64] A separate, smaller group of protesters chanted slogans outside the US Embassy and threw stones at cars carrying white passengers, according to news reports. A scheduled Air France weekly flight from Paris to Bangui had to turn back “due to the situation in Bangui”, a spokeswoman at the company said.

Later in the day rebel coerces reached Damara, bypassing the town of Sibut where around one hundred fifty Chadian troops are stationed together with CAR troops that withdrew from Kaga-Bandoro. Josué Binoua, the CAR’s minister for territorial administration, requested that France intervene in case the rebels, now only seventy five km (47 mi) away, manage to reach the capital Bangui. Colonel Djouma Narkoyo, a spokesman for Séléka, called on the army to lay down its weapons, adding that “Bozizé has lost all his legitimacy and does not control the country.” [65]

Two children were beheaded with a total of sixteen children killed in Bangui during latest fighting. [66] A total of one thousand people were killed in December. [67]

Government appeals Edit

On twenty seven December, Bozizé asked the international community for assistance, specifically France and the United States, during a speech in the capital Bangui. French President François Hollande rejected the appeal, telling that French troops would only be used to protect French nationals in the CAR, and not to defend Bozizé’s government. Reports indicated that the U.S. military was preparing plans to evacuate “several hundred” American citizens, as well as other nationals. [68] [Sixty nine] General Jean-Felix Akaga, commander of the Economic Community of Central African States’ (ECCAS) Multinational Force of Central Africa, said the capital was “fully secured” by the troops from its MICOPAX peacekeeping mission, adding that reinforcements should arrive soon. However, military sources in Gabon and Cameroon denied the report, claiming no decision had been taken regarding the crisis. [70]

Government soldiers launched a counterattack against rebel compels in Bambari on twenty eight December, leading to strong clashes, according to a government official. Several witnesses over sixty km (37 mi) away said they could hear detonations and powerful weapons fire for a number of hours. Later, both a rebel leader and a military source confirmed the military attack was repelled and the town remained under rebel control. At least one rebel fighter was killed and three were wounded in the clashes, the military’s casualties were unknown. [71]

Meantime, the foreign ministers in the ECCAS announced that more troops from the Multinational Force for Central Africa (FOMAC) would be sent to the country to support the five hundred sixty members of the MICOPAX mission already present. The announcement was done by Chad’s Foreign Minister Moussa Faki after a meeting in the Gabonese capital Libreville. At the same time, ECCAS deputy secretary general Guy-Pierre Garcia confirmed that the rebels and the CAR government had agreed to unconditional talks, with the aim to get to negotiations by ten January at the latest. In Bangui, the U.S. Air Force evacuated around forty people from the country, including the American ambassador. The International Committee of the Crimson Cross also evacuated eight of its foreign workers, however local volunteers and fourteen other foreigners remained to help the growing number of displaced people. [72]

Rebel compels took over the town of Sibut without firing a shot on twenty nine December, as at least sixty vehicles with CAR and Chadian troops retreated to Damara, the last city standing inbetween Séléka and the capital. In Bangui, the government ordered a seven pm to five am curfew and banned the use of motorcycle taxis, fearing they could be used by rebels to infiltrate the city. Residents reported many shop-owners had hired groups of armed boys to guard their property in anticipation of possible looting, as thousands were leaving the city in overcharged cars and boats. The French military contingent rose to four hundred with the deployment of one hundred fifty extra paratroopers sent from Gabon to Bangui M’Poko International Airport. French Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault again stressed that the troops were only present to “protect French and European nationals” and not deal with the rebels. [73] [74]

Truce discussions and foreign troops Edit

On thirty December, President Bozizé agreed to a possible national unity government with members of the Séléka coalition, after meeting with African Union chairperson Thomas Yayi Boni. He added that the CAR government was ready to begin peace talks “without condition and without delay”. [Five] By one January reinforcements from FOMAC began to arrive in Damara to support the four hundred Chadian troops already stationed there as part of the MICOPAX mission. With rebels closing in on the capital Bangui, a total of three hundred sixty soldiers were sent to boost the defenses of Damara – Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo, one hundred twenty each from Gabon, Republic of the Congo and Cameroon, with a Gabonese general in instruction of the force. [75] In the capital itself, deadly clashes erupted after police killed a youthful Muslim man suspected of links to Séléka. According to news reports, the man was arrested overnight, and was shot when he attempted to escape. Shortly after that clashes began in Bangui’s PK5 neighborhood, killing one police officer. Meantime, in a fresh development, the US State Department voiced its concern over the “arrests and disappearances of hundreds of individuals who are members of ethnic groups with ties to the Séléka rebel alliance”.

On two January 2013, a presidential decree read on state radio announced that President Bozizé was the fresh head of the defense ministry, taking over from his son, Jean Francis Bozize. In addition, army chief Guillaume Lapo was dismissed due to failure of the CAR military to stop the rebel offensive in December. [76] Meantime, rebel spokesman Col. Djouma Narkoyo confirmed that Séléka had stopped their advance and will inject peace talks due to begin in Libreville on eight January, on the precondition that government coerces stop arresting members of the Gula tribe. The rebel coalition confirmed it would request the instant departure of president Bozize, who had pledged to see out his term until its end in 2016. Jean-Félix Akaga, the Gabonese general in charge of the MICOPAX force sent by the ECCAS, proclaimed that Damara represented a “crimson line that the rebels cannot cross”, and that doing so would be “a declaration of war” against the ten members of the regional bloc. It was also announced that Angola had contributed to the seven hundred sixty troops stationed in the CAR, while France had further boosted its military presence in the country to six hundred troops, sent to protect French nationals in case it is required. [75]

On six January, South African President Jacob Zuma announced the deployment of four hundred troops to the CAR to assist the compels already present there. Rebel coerces secured two puny towns near Bambari as peace talks were scheduled to begin in two days. [77]

Ceasefire agreement Edit

On eleven January 2013, a ceasefire agreement was signed in Libreville, Gabon. [84] On thirteen January, Bozizé signed a decree that eliminated Prime Minister Faustin-Archange Touadéra from power, as part of the agreement with the rebel coalition. [85] The rebels dropped their request for President François Bozizé to resign, but he had to appoint a fresh prime minister from the opposition by eighteen January 2013. [42] On seventeen January, Nicolas Tiangaye was appointed Prime Minister. [86]

The terms of the agreement also included that National Assembly of the Central African Republic be dissolved within a week with a year-long coalition government formed in its place and a fresh legislative election be held within twelve months (with the possibility of postponement). [87] In addition the makeshift coalition government had to implement judicial reforms, amalgamate the rebel troops with the Bozizé government’s troops in order to establish a fresh national military, set up the fresh legislative elections, as well as introduce other social and economic reforms. [87] Furthermore, Bozizé’s government was required to free all political prisoners imprisoned during the conflict, and foreign troops must come back to their countries of origin. [42] Under the agreement, Séléka rebels were not required to give up the cities they have taken or were then occupying, allegedly as a way to ensure that the Bozizé government would not renege on the agreement. [42]

Fall of Bangui Edit

On eighteen March 2013, the rebels kept their five ministers from returning to Bangui following talks about the peace process in the town of Sibut. The rebels demanded the release of political prisoners and the integration of rebel coerces into the national army. Séléka also wished South African soldiers who had been on assignment in Central African Republic to leave the country. Séléka threatened to take up arms again if the requests were not met, providing the government a deadline of seventy two hours. Before that the rebels seized control of two towns in the country’s southeast, Gambo and Bangassou. [94]

On twenty two March 2013, the rebels renewed their offensive. They took control of the towns of Damara and Bossangoa. After Damara fell, fears were widespread in Bangui that the capital too would soon fall, and a sense of scare pervaded the city, with shops and schools closed. [95] Government compels shortly halted the rebel advance by firing on the rebel columns with an attack helicopter, [93] but by twenty three March, the rebels shot down the helicopter, [96] entered Bangui, and were “heading for the Presidential Palace,” according to Séléka spokesman Nelson Ndjadder. [97] Rebels reportedly managed to thrust out government soldiers in the neighbourhood surrounding Bozizé’s private residence, however the government maintained that Bozizé remained in the Presidential Palace in the centre of the city. [98]

On twenty four March, rebels reached the presidential palace in the centre of the capital, where strong gunfire erupted. [100] The presidential palace and the rest of the capital soon fell to rebel compels and Bozizé fled to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. [22] [101] “A presidential adviser said he had crossed the sea into DRC on Sunday morning [24 March] as rebel compels headed for the presidential palace.” [102] He was later said to have sought makeshift refuge in Cameroon, according to that country’s government. [103] The United Nations refugee agency received a request from the Congolese government to help stir twenty five members of Bozizé’s family from the border town of Zongo. [104] A spokesman for the president stated that “The rebels control the town; I hope there will not be any reprisals.” [104]

Rebel leaders claimed to have told their boys to refrain from any theft or reprisals but residents in the capital are said to have engaged in widespread looting. Water and power have been cut to the city. [101] Rebel fighters directed looters towards the houses of army officers but fired their rifles in the air to protect the homes of ordinary citizens. [104]

Thirteen South African soldiers were killed and twenty-seven wounded and one was missing after their base on the outskirts of Bangui was attacked by an armed rebel group of Three,000 rebels, kicking off an intense firefight inbetween the rebels and the base’s four hundred South African National Defence Force soldiers that lasted an unspecified amount of time. [105] General Solly Shoke, the Chief of the South African National Defence Force, stated at a press conference on twenty four March two thousand thirteen that the SANDF soldiers had ‘inflicted powerful losses’ on the rebels, retained control of their base and coerced the rebels into a ceasefire. Shoke also claimed that there are no plans as yet for the South African troops to leave the Central African Republic, [106] albeit by April Two, only twenty of the original two hundred SANDF troops stationed in the CAR remained in the country. [107]

According to the SANDF, its force of about two hundred soldiers faced three thousand experienced armed rebels, by the time the rebels proposed a cease-fire they had lost five hundred guys to the thirteen killed and twenty seven wounded of the SANDF. [108] [109] Séléka general Hassan Ahmat claimed his dudes killed “at least thirty six South African soldiers and captured 46”, and lashed out against the SANDF with an accusation of acting as “mercenaries” for Bozizé. [110]

Séléka rule and fall of Djotodia (2013-2014) Edit

Following the rebel victory in the capital, puny pockets of resistance remained and fought against the fresh regime. The resistance consisted mostly of youths that received weapons from the former government. Over one hundred soldiers loyal to the former government were holed up at a base sixty km from the capital, refusing to give up their weapons, albeit talks were underway to permit them to comeback to their homes. By twenty seven March, electrical power was leisurely being restored across the capital and the overall security situation was beginning to improve. [118]

Top military and police officers met with Djotodia and recognized him as President on twenty eight March 2013, in what was viewed as “a form of capitulate”. [119]

A fresh government headed by Tiangaye, with thirty four members, was appointed on thirty one March 2013; Djotodia retained the defense portfolio. There were nine members of Séléka in the government, along with eight representatives of the parties that had opposed Bozizé, while only one member of the government was associated with Bozizé. [121] [122] sixteen positions were given to representatives of civil society. The former opposition parties were unhappy with the composition of the government; on one April, they announced that they would boycott the government to protest its dominance by Séléka. They argued that the sixteen positions given to representatives of civil society were in fact “transferred over to Séléka allies disguised as civil society activists”. [123]

The transitional council, composed of one hundred five members, met for the very first time on thirteen April two thousand thirteen and instantaneously elected Djotodia as interim President; there were no other candidates. [126] A few days later, regional leaders publicly accepted Djotodia’s transitional leadership, but, in a symbolic demonstrate of disapproval, stated that he would “not be called President of the Republic, but Head of State of the Transition”. According to the plans for the transition, Djotodia would not stand as a candidate for President in the election that would conclude the transition. [127] [128]

On fourteen May CAR’s PM Nicolas Tiangaye requested a UN peacekeeping force from the UN Security Council and on thirty one May former President Bozizé was indicted for crimes against humanity and incitement of genocide. [131] On the same day as the December 5th attacks, the UN Security Council authorized the transfer of MICOPAX to the African Union led peacekeeping mission the International Support Mission in the Central African Republic (MISCA or AFISM-CAR) with troop numbers enlargening from Two,000 to 6,000 [34] [132] as well as for the French peacekeeping mission called Operation Sangaris. [129]

Exseleka and Antibalaka fighting (2014-2016) Edit

The European Union then determined to set up its very first military operations in six years when foreign ministers approved the sending of up to 1,000 soldiers to the country by the end of February to be based around Bangui. Estonia promised to send soldiers, while Lithuania, Slovenia, Finland, Belgium, Poland and Sweden were considering sending troops; Germany, Italy and Fine Britain announced that they would not send soldiers. The stir still needed UNSC approval. [144] As of twenty January, the ICRC reported that it had buried about fifty bods within forty eight hours. [145] It also came after a mob killed two people who they accused of being Muslim, then dragged the bods through the streets and burnt them. [146] Within the previous month, about 1,000 people had died. [147]

In Boali, Muslims sought refuge from sectarian violence at a church, while MISCA troops were present to maintain security. [148] On twenty seven January, Séléka leaders left Bangui under the escort of Chadian peacekeepers. At the same time, eight people were killed and seven others were wounded by a mob in Bangui. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry also said: “The United States is ready to consider targeted sanctions against those who further destabilise the situation, or pursue their own selfish completes by abetting or encouraging the violence.” [149] Two days later, the UN Security Council unanimously voted to approve sending European Union troops and to give them a mandate to use force, as well as menacing sanctions against those responsible for the violence. The E.U. had pledged five hundred troops to aid African and French troops already in the country. Specifically the resolution permitted for the use of “all necessary measures” to protect civilians. [150]

On five February, following a speech by Samba-Panza had told Four,000 troops and dignitaries at the National School of Magistrates that she had “pride in observing so many elements of the Central African Republic Coerces reunited,” uniformed soldiers attacked a civilian youth by stamping on his head, stabbing him and throwing stones at him after accusing him of being an infiltrated Séléka member. His bod was then dragged through the streets as MISCA troops looked on; it was then dismembered and burned before the MISCA troops intervened to disperse the crowd with rip gas and firing shots into the air. U.S. State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said: “This sectarian violence must end. [The people of the CAR] break the cycle of violence. [They] must seize the chance afforded by its freshly appointed transitional leadership and a strong level of international support to end the present crisis and stir toward a stable and peaceful society.” [151] The aftermath of Djotodia’s presidency was said to be without law, a functioning police and courts. National Transitional Council member Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua was killed by unknown gunmen in early February. This was condemned by the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in the Central African Republic (BINUCA), whose leader, General Babacar Gaye, condemned the killing and the violence as “unnecessary and indiscriminate violence that creates a climate of fear and encourages the emergence of acts of banditry.” [152]

On four February 2014, a local priest said seventy five people were killed in the town of Boda, in Lobaye province. [158]

On ten February, Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua, a member of Samba-Panza’s transitional government, was killed by unknown gunmen. [152]

In the southwest, anti-balaka militants attacked Guen in early February resulting in the deaths of sixty people, according to Father Rigobert Dolongo, who also said that he had helped bury the figures of the dead, at least twenty seven of whom died on the very first day of the attack and forty three others the next day. As a result, hundreds of Muslim refugees sought shelter at a church in Carnot. [162] In the end of the month, French President Francois Hollande made another journey to the country after a security conference in Nigeria. He met the French MISCA contingent, Samba-Panza and other unnamed religious leaders. [163] UN humanitarian coordinator Abdou Dieng said that only about US$100 million, or one-fifth of that which was pledged, had arrived in the country to fight a food shortage. He also warned of a food crisis that was thus looming. [164] On a visit to Angola at the behest of President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who was praised for his “special involvement” in the country, Samba-Panza said: “We do not have a situation of genocide, but the situation prevailing is indeed worrying, so we are fighting to take security to all population, no matter their religions.” She also suggested that while the situation was “worrying” it was “under control.” [165] By mid-March, the UNSC had authorised a probe into possible genocide, which in turn followed International Criminal Court Chief Prosecutor Fatou BEnsouda initiating a preliminary investigation into the “extreme violence” and whether it falls into the court’s remit. The UNSC mandate probe would be led by Cameroonian lawyer Bernard Acho Muna, who was the deputy chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, former Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs Jorge Castaneda and Mauritanian lawyer Fatimata M’Baye. [166] On thirteen March, a group of religious leaders — Imam Omar Layama, Reverend Nicolas Gbangou and Archbishop Dieudonne Nzapalainga — asked the Ban-ki Moon to redouble efforts to bring peace to the country. [167]

Flavien Mulume, the acting commander of the Congolese contingent of MISCA, said that two Rwandan peacekeepers were wounded by the anti-balaka after fighting on twenty three March in Bangui. The next day, angry youths had set up barricades to block the MISCA troops from coming in an unnamed neighborhood. [168] On thirty March, a group of Christian mourners was attacked by a Muslim who threw a grenade and resulted in eleven deaths, according to the national Crimson Cross. [169] On twenty nine March, Chadian peacekeepers that were not a part of MISCA entered Bangui’s PK12 district market in a convoy of pick-up trucks at about 15:00 and allegedly indiscriminately opened fire resulting in thirty deaths and over three hundred injuries, according to the UN. Some sources indicated they were in Bangui to evacuate Chadians and other Muslims from the anti-balaka. On three April, Chad announced the withdrawal of its compels from MISCA, which the UN hoped would prevent further incursions by troops travelling directly from Chad. [170] The very first batch of fifty five EUFOR troops arrived in Bangui, according to the French army, and carried out its very first patrol on nine April with the intention of “maintaining security and training local officers.” France called for a vote at the UNSC the next day and expected a unanimous resolution authorising Ten,000 troops and 1,800 police to substitute the over Five,000 African Union soldiers on fifteen September; [171] the movement was then approved. [172] On ten April, MISCA troops escorted over 1,000 Muslims fleeing to Chad with a police source telling “not a single Muslim remains in Bossangoa.” [173] In the week of fourteen May, former Séléka rebels shot and killed a Christian priest in Paoua. The next week, Dimanche Ngodi, an official in Grimari, said that during a clash inbetween the anti-balaka and the former Séléka rebels French MISCA troops intervened resulting in several deaths. Captain Sebastien Isern, spokesman for the French troops, said the anti-balaka group had been “neutralised.” [174]

On twenty eight May, Séléka rebels stormed a Catholic church compound, killing at least 30. [175] On two June, the government banned text messaging, deeming it a security threat, after calls for a general strike were made via SMS. [176] On twenty three June, anti-balaka coerces killed eighteen members of the mostly Muslim village of Bambari. Several youthfull Séléka took vengeance against this attack the same day by killing ten anti-balaka. [177] On eight July, seventeen people were killed when Séléka coerces attacked a Catholic church in Bambari, believing that the church was supposedly sheltering anti-balaka troops.

After three days of talks, a ceasefire was signed on twenty four July two thousand fourteen in Brazzaville, Republic of Congo. [178] The Séléka representative was General Mohamed Moussa Dhaffane, [178] and the anti-balaka representative was Patrick Edouard Ngaissona. [179] The talks were mediated by Congolese president Denis Sassou Nguesso. [179] The Séléka delegation had shoved for a formalization of the partition of the Central African Republic with Muslims in the north and Christians in the south but dropped that request in talks. [180] Many factions on the ground claimed the talks were not representative and fighting continued [180] with Séléka’s military leader Joseph Zindeko rejected the ceasefire agreement the next day telling it lacked input from his military wing and brought back the request for partition. [181] Ngaissona told a general assembly of Antibalaka fighters and supporters to lay down their arms and that Antibalaka would be turned into a political party called Central African Party for Unity and Development (PCUD) but he had little control over the liberate network of fighters. [182] Further talks were held with Joachim Kokate signifying the Antibalaka and Djotodia signifying the Exseleka and another ceasefire agreement was reached in Nairobi, Kenya in April 2015. However the talks were not recognized by the French, the UN or the transitional government, who termed the parties “Nairobists”. [129] Similar to the previous ceasefire, it had little effect in stopping the fighting. [183] In May 2015, a national reconciliation conference organized by the transition government of the Central Africa Republic took place. This was called the Bangui National Forum. The forum resulted in the adoption of a Republican Pact for Peace, National Reconciliation and Reconstruction and the signature of a Disarmament, Demobilisation, Rehabilitation and Repatriation (DDRR) agreement among nine of ten armed groups. [184]

In February 2016, after a peaceful election, the former Prime Minister Faustin-Archange Touadéra was elected president. In October 2016, France announced that it was ending its peacekeeping mission in the country, Operation Sangaris and largely withdrew its troops, telling that the operation was a success. [188] Since 2014, there was little government control outside of the capital, Bangui. [30] Armed entrepreneurs have carved out individual fiefdoms in which they set up checkpoints, collect illegal taxes, and take in millions of dollars from the illicit coffee, mineral, and timber trades. [30] By 2017, more than fourteen armed groups vied for territory, notably four factions formed by Ex-seleka leaders who control about 60% of the country’s territory. [189]

UPC conflict (2016–present) Edit

Much of the violence in this phase of the conflict is inbetween Ex-Seleka militias. It largely began with a fight over a goldmine in November 2016, where MPC [194] and the FPRC coalition which incorporated elements of their former enemy, the Anti-balaka, [192] attacked UPC. [195] [196] The violence is often ethnic in nature with the FPRC associated with the Gula and Runga people and the UPC associated with the Fulani. [7] Most of the fighting was in the centrally located Ouaka prefecture, which has the country’s 2nd largest city Bambari, because of its strategic location inbetween the Muslim and Christian regions of the country and its wealth. [194] The fight for Bambari in early two thousand seventeen displaced 20,000. [197] [196] MINUSCA made a sturdy deployment to prevent FPRC taking the city and in February 2017, Joseph Zoundeiko, the chief of staff [Four] of FPRC who previously led the military wing of Seleka, was killed by MINUSCA after crossing one of the crimson lines. [196] At the same time, MINUSCA negotiated the removal of Darassa from the city. This led to UPC to find fresh territory, spreading the fighting from urban to rural areas previously spared. Additionally, the thinly spread MINUSCA relied on Ugandan as well as American special compels to keep the peace in the southeast as they were part of a campaign to eliminate the Lord’s Resistance Army but the mission ended in April 2017. [192] In May 2017, fighting in the southeast inbetween the antibalaka and UPC [198] killed up to one hundred people in Alindao, and about one hundred fifteen people Bangassou. [199] About 15,000 people fled from their homes and six U.N. peacekeepers were killed – the deadliest month for the mission yet. [200] In June 2017, a ceasefire was signed in Rome by the government and fourteen armed groups including FPRC but the next day tensions over control of mines in Bria led to fightin inbetween an FPRC faction and antibalaka militias, killing more than one hundred people. [201]

Human rights manhandles include the use of child soldiers, rape, torment, extrajudicial killings and coerced disappearances. [204]

Religious cleansing Edit

It is argued that the concentrate of the initial disarmament efforts exclusively on the Seleka inadvertently passed the anti-Balaka the upper palm, leading to the coerced displacement of Muslim civilians by anti-Balaka in Bangui and western CAR. [30] While comparisons were often posed as the “next Rwanda”, others [205] suggested that the Bosnian Genocide’s may be more apt as people were moving into religiously cleansed neighbourhoods. In 2014, Amnesty International reported several massacres committed by the anti-balakas against Muslim civilians, forcing thousands of Muslims to flee the country. [206] Other sources report incidents of Muslims being cannibalized. [207] [208] Much of the pressure is also over historical antagonism inbetween agriculturalists, who largely comprise Anti-balaka and nomadic groups, who largely comprise Seleka fighters. [32]

Ethnic violence Edit

Crime and violence against aid workers Edit

In 2015, humanitarian aid workers in the CAR were involved in more than three hundred sixty five security incidents, more than Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia. By 2017, more than two thirds of all health facilities have been bruised or ruined. [210] The crimes are often committed by individuals not associated with any armed rebel groups. [211] There have been jail cracks with more than five hundred inmates escaping from Nagaragba Central Prison, including fighters of both Christian and Muslim militias. [212] By 2017, only eight of thirty five prisons function and few courts operate outside the capital. [213]

Mortality Edit

2013 fatalities were Two,286–2,396+:

Displaced people Edit

Organizations Edit

African Union – Yayi Boni, then-chairman of the African Union, held a press conference in Bangui, stating, “I beg my rebellious brothers, I ask them to cease hostilities, to make peace with President Bozizé and the Central African people . If you stop fighting, you are helping to consolidate peace in Africa. African people do not deserve all this suffering. The African continent needs peace and not war.” [227] Boni went on to call for dialogue inbetween the current government and the rebels. [227] The African Union suspended the Central African Republic from its membership on twenty five March 2013. [228]
European Union – On twenty one December two thousand twelve the High Representative for Foreign AffairsCatherine Ashton called on the armed rebel groups to “cease all hostilities and to respect the Libreville Comprehensive Peace Agreement.” European Commissioner for Humanitarian AidKristalina Georgieva added that she was deeply worried over the situation in the country and that she strongly urged “all armed groups to respect international humanitarian law and the activities of humanitarians”. [229] On one January Ashton once again voiced concern over the violence and urged all parties involved to “take all necessary measures to end, without delay, all exactions against populations in Bangui neighbourhoods that undermine chances of a peaceful dialogue.” [230]

On ten February 2014, the European Union established a military operation entitled EUFOR RCA, with the aim “to provide makeshift support in achieving a safe and secure environment in the Bangui area, with a view to handing over to African fucking partners.” The French Major General Philippe Pontiès was appointed as a commander of this force. [231]

Central African Republic Civil War (2012–present)

Map of battles in the Central African Republic (For a more detailed map of the current military situation, see here)

(Four years, eight months, three weeks and four days)

Ongoing sectarian violence

Séléka rebel coalition takes power from François Bozizé. [1]
Fighting inbetween Seleka factions and Anti-balaka militias. [Two]
President Michel Djotodia resigns. Interim government is followed by an elected government.
De facto split inbetween Ex-seleka factions managed north and east and Anti-balaka managed south and west with a Seleka faction announcing the Republic of Logone. [Trio]
Fighting inbetween Ex-seleka factions FPRC and UPC.

Jean-Felix Akaga (until 2013)

Democratic Republic of the Congo: 1,000

one policeman killed

15 soldiers killed [13]

Three soldiers killed

Two soldiers killed [14]

Trio soldiers killed

1 soldier killed

Unknown number killed or wounded

200,000 internally displaced; 20,000 refugees (1 Aug 2013) [15]

700,000 internally displaced; +288,000 refugees (Feb 2014) [16]

Total: Thousands killed [17] +Five,186 killed (till September 2014) [Eighteen]

On thirteen April 2007, a peace agreement inbetween the government and the UFDR was signed in Birao. The agreement provided for an amnesty for the UFDR, its recognition as a political party, and the integration of its fighters into the army. [38] [39] Further negotiations resulted in an Libreville Global Peace Accord agreement in two thousand eight for reconciliation, a unity government, and local elections in two thousand nine and parliamentary and presidential elections in 2010. [40] The fresh unity government that resulted was formed in January 2009. [41] On twelve July 2008, with the waning of the Central African Republic Pubic hair War, the larger overlapping regional economic community to CEMAC called the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) substituted FOMUC, whose mandate was largely restricted to security, with the Central African Peacebuilding Mission (MICOPAX), who had a broader peace building mandate. [33]

Toppling Bozizé (2012-2013) Edit

Formation of Seleka Edit

In August two thousand twelve a peace agreement was signed inbetween the government and the CPJP. [43] On August 20, 2012, an agreement was signed inbetween a dissident faction of the CPJP, led by Colonel Hassan Al Habib calling itself “Fundamental CPJP”. and the Patriotic Convention for Saving the Country (CPSK). [44] Al Habib announced that, in protest of the peace agreement, the Fundamental CPJP was launching an offensive dubbed “Operation Charles Massi”, in memory of the CPJP founder who was allegedly tormented and murdered by the government and that his group intended to overthrow Bozizé. [45] [46] In September, fundamental CPJ, using the French name alliance CPSK-CPJP took responsibility for attacks on the towns of Sibut, Damara and Dekoa, killing two members of the army. [47] [48] It claimed that it had killed two extra members of the Central African Armed Coerces (FACA) in Damara, capturing military and civilian vehicles, weapons including rockets, and communications equipment, and launched unsuccessful onslaught on a fourth town, Grimari and promised more operations in future. [49] Mahamath Isseine Abdoulaye, president of the pro-government CPJP faction, countered that the CPJP was committed to the peace agreement and the attacks were the work of Chadian rebels, telling this group of “thieves” would never be able to march on Bangui. Al Habib was killed by the FACA on nineteen September in Daya, a town north of Dekoa. [50]

In November 2012, in Obo, a FACA vehicles were injured in an attack attributed to Chadian Popular Front for Recovery rebels. [51] On ten December 2012, the rebels seized the towns of N’Délé, Sam Ouandja and Ouadda, as well as weapons left by fleeing soldiers. [52] [53] [54] On fifteen December, rebel coerces took Bamingui, and three days later they advanced to Bria, moving closer to Bangui.

The alliance for the very first time used the name “Seleka” (meaning “union” in the Sango language) with a press release calling itself “Séléka CPSK-CPJP-UFDR” thus including the Union of Democratic Compels for Unity (UFDR). [55] The Séléka claim they are fighting because of a lack of progress after a peace deal ended the Thicket War. [56] Following an appeal for help from Central African President François Bozizé, the President of Chad, Idriss Déby, pledged to send two thousand troops to help quell the rebellion. [57] [58] The very first Chadian troops arrived on eighteen December to reinforce the CAR contingent in Kaga Bandoro, in prep for a counter-attack on N’Délé.

On twenty six December, hundreds of protesters angered by the rebel advance surrounded the French embassy in Bangui, hurling stones, searing tires and tearing down the French flag. The demonstrators accused the former colonial power of failing to help the army fight off rebel compels. At least fifty people, including women and children, were sheltering inwards the building, protected by a large contingent of around two hundred fifty French troops that surrounded the area. [64] A separate, smaller group of protesters chanted slogans outside the US Embassy and threw stones at cars carrying white passengers, according to news reports. A scheduled Air France weekly flight from Paris to Bangui had to turn back “due to the situation in Bangui”, a spokeswoman at the company said.

Two children were beheaded with a total of sixteen children killed in Bangui during latest fighting. [66] A total of one thousand people were killed in December. [67]

Government appeals Edit

Government soldiers launched a counterattack against rebel compels in Bambari on twenty eight December, leading to mighty clashes, according to a government official. Several witnesses over sixty km (37 mi) away said they could hear detonations and powerful weapons fire for a number of hours. Later, both a rebel leader and a military source confirmed the military attack was repelled and the town remained under rebel control. At least one rebel fighter was killed and three were wounded in the clashes, the military’s casualties were unknown. [71]

Rebel coerces took over the town of Sibut without firing a shot on twenty nine December, as at least sixty vehicles with CAR and Chadian troops retreated to Damara, the last city standing inbetween Séléka and the capital. In Bangui, the government ordered a seven pm to five am curfew and banned the use of motorcycle taxis, fearing they could be used by rebels to infiltrate the city. Residents reported many shop-owners had hired groups of armed dudes to guard their property in anticipation of possible looting, as thousands were leaving the city in overcharged cars and boats. The French military contingent rose to four hundred with the deployment of one hundred fifty extra paratroopers sent from Gabon to Bangui M’Poko International Airport. French Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault again stressed that the troops were only present to “protect French and European nationals” and not deal with the rebels. [73] [74]

Truce discussions and foreign troops Edit

On thirty December, President Bozizé agreed to a possible national unity government with members of the Séléka coalition, after meeting with African Union chairperson Thomas Yayi Boni. He added that the CAR government was ready to begin peace talks “without condition and without delay”. [Five] By one January reinforcements from FOMAC began to arrive in Damara to support the four hundred Chadian troops already stationed there as part of the MICOPAX mission. With rebels closing in on the capital Bangui, a total of three hundred sixty soldiers were sent to boost the defenses of Damara – Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo, one hundred twenty each from Gabon, Republic of the Congo and Cameroon, with a Gabonese general in guideline of the force. [75] In the capital itself, deadly clashes erupted after police killed a youthful Muslim man suspected of links to Séléka. According to news reports, the man was arrested overnight, and was shot when he attempted to escape. Shortly after that clashes began in Bangui’s PK5 neighborhood, killing one police officer. Meantime, in a fresh development, the US State Department voiced its concern over the “arrests and disappearances of hundreds of individuals who are members of ethnic groups with ties to the Séléka rebel alliance”.

On two January 2013, a presidential decree read on state radio announced that President Bozizé was the fresh head of the defense ministry, taking over from his son, Jean Francis Bozize. In addition, army chief Guillaume Lapo was dismissed due to failure of the CAR military to stop the rebel offensive in December. [76] Meantime, rebel spokesman Col. Djouma Narkoyo confirmed that Séléka had stopped their advance and will come in peace talks due to embark in Libreville on eight January, on the precondition that government coerces stop arresting members of the Gula tribe. The rebel coalition confirmed it would request the instant departure of president Bozize, who had pledged to see out his term until its end in 2016. Jean-Félix Akaga, the Gabonese general in charge of the MICOPAX force sent by the ECCAS, announced that Damara represented a “crimson line that the rebels cannot cross”, and that doing so would be “a declaration of war” against the ten members of the regional bloc. It was also announced that Angola had contributed to the seven hundred sixty troops stationed in the CAR, while France had further boosted its military presence in the country to six hundred troops, sent to protect French nationals in case it is required. [75]

On six January, South African President Jacob Zuma announced the deployment of four hundred troops to the CAR to assist the coerces already present there. Rebel compels secured two puny towns near Bambari as peace talks were scheduled to begin in two days. [77]

Ceasefire agreement Edit

The terms of the agreement also included that National Assembly of the Central African Republic be dissolved within a week with a year-long coalition government formed in its place and a fresh legislative election be held within twelve months (with the possibility of postponement). [87] In addition the makeshift coalition government had to implement judicial reforms, amalgamate the rebel troops with the Bozizé government’s troops in order to establish a fresh national military, set up the fresh legislative elections, as well as introduce other social and economic reforms. [87] Furthermore, Bozizé’s government was required to free all political prisoners imprisoned during the conflict, and foreign troops must come back to their countries of origin. [42] Under the agreement, Séléka rebels were not required to give up the cities they have taken or were then occupying, allegedly as a way to ensure that the Bozizé government would not renege on the agreement. [42]

Fall of Bangui Edit

On eighteen March 2013, the rebels kept their five ministers from returning to Bangui following talks about the peace process in the town of Sibut. The rebels demanded the release of political prisoners and the integration of rebel compels into the national army. Séléka also desired South African soldiers who had been on assignment in Central African Republic to leave the country. Séléka threatened to take up arms again if the requests were not met, providing the government a deadline of seventy two hours. Before that the rebels seized control of two towns in the country’s southeast, Gambo and Bangassou. [94]

On twenty four March, rebels reached the presidential palace in the centre of the capital, where intense gunfire erupted. [100] The presidential palace and the rest of the capital soon fell to rebel coerces and Bozizé fled to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. [22] [101] “A presidential adviser said he had crossed the sea into DRC on Sunday morning [24 March] as rebel compels headed for the presidential palace.” [102] He was later said to have sought makeshift refuge in Cameroon, according to that country’s government. [103] The United Nations refugee agency received a request from the Congolese government to help stir twenty five members of Bozizé’s family from the border town of Zongo. [104] A spokesman for the president stated that “The rebels control the town; I hope there will not be any reprisals.” [104]

Thirteen South African soldiers were killed and twenty-seven wounded and one was missing after their base on the outskirts of Bangui was attacked by an armed rebel group of Three,000 rebels, commencing an intense firefight inbetween the rebels and the base’s four hundred South African National Defence Force soldiers that lasted an unspecified amount of time. [105] General Solly Shoke, the Chief of the South African National Defence Force, stated at a press conference on twenty four March two thousand thirteen that the SANDF soldiers had ‘inflicted intense losses’ on the rebels, retained control of their base and compelled the rebels into a ceasefire. Shoke also claimed that there are no plans as yet for the South African troops to leave the Central African Republic, [106] albeit by April Two, only twenty of the original two hundred SANDF troops stationed in the CAR remained in the country. [107]

According to the SANDF, its force of about two hundred soldiers faced three thousand experienced armed rebels, by the time the rebels proposed a cease-fire they had lost five hundred studs to the thirteen killed and twenty seven wounded of the SANDF. [108] [109] Séléka general Hassan Ahmat claimed his boys killed “at least thirty six South African soldiers and captured 46”, and lashed out against the SANDF with an accusation of acting as “mercenaries” for Bozizé. [110]

A company of French troops secure Bangui M’Poko International Airport, while a diplomatic source confirmed that Paris had asked for an emergency UN Security Council meeting to discuss the rebel advance. [111] France sent three hundred fifty soldiers to ensure the security of its citizens, a senior official told AFP, bringing the total number of French troops in CAR to almost 600, however a spokesman stated that there are no plans to send further troops to the country. [101] [112] On twenty six March French defence ministry said that French troops guarding the airport had accidentally killed two Indian citizens. The soldiers shot at three vehicles approaching the airport after firing warning shots and themselves coming under fire, the statement said. Two Indian nationals and a number of Cameroonians were wounded in the attack. [113]

Séléka rule and fall of Djotodia (2013-2014) Edit

Following the rebel victory in the capital, petite pockets of resistance remained and fought against the fresh regime. The resistance consisted mostly of youths that received weapons from the former government. Over one hundred soldiers loyal to the former government were holed up at a base sixty km from the capital, refusing to give up their weapons, albeit talks were underway to permit them to comeback to their homes. By twenty seven March, electrical power was leisurely being restored across the capital and the overall security situation was beginning to improve. [118]

Top military and police officers met with Djotodia and recognized him as President on twenty eight March 2013, in what was viewed as “a form of give up”. [119]

The transitional council, composed of one hundred five members, met for the very first time on thirteen April two thousand thirteen and instantaneously elected Djotodia as interim President; there were no other candidates. [126] A few days later, regional leaders publicly accepted Djotodia’s transitional leadership, but, in a symbolic display of disapproval, stated that he would “not be called President of the Republic, but Head of State of the Transition”. According to the plans for the transition, Djotodia would not stand as a candidate for President in the election that would conclude the transition. [127] [128]

On fourteen May CAR’s PM Nicolas Tiangaye requested a UN peacekeeping force from the UN Security Council and on thirty one May former President Bozizé was indicted for crimes against humanity and incitement of genocide. [131] On the same day as the December 5th attacks, the UN Security Council authorized the transfer of MICOPAX to the African Union led peacekeeping mission the International Support Mission in the Central African Republic (MISCA or AFISM-CAR) with troop numbers enlargening from Two,000 to 6,000 [34] [132] as well as for the French peacekeeping mission called Operation Sangaris. [129]

Exseleka and Antibalaka fighting (2014–2016) Edit

The European Union then determined to set up its very first military operations in six years when foreign ministers approved the sending of up to 1,000 soldiers to the country by the end of February to be based around Bangui. Estonia promised to send soldiers, while Lithuania, Slovenia, Finland, Belgium, Poland and Sweden were considering sending troops; Germany, Italy and Good Britain announced that they would not send soldiers. The stir still needed UNSC approval. [144] As of twenty January, the ICRC reported that it had buried about fifty bods within forty eight hours. [145] It also came after a mob killed two people who they accused of being Muslim, then dragged the figures through the streets and burnt them. [146] Within the previous month, about 1,000 people had died. [147]

In Boali, Muslims sought refuge from sectarian violence at a church, while MISCA troops were present to maintain security. [148] On twenty seven January, Séléka leaders left Bangui under the escort of Chadian peacekeepers. At the same time, eight people were killed and seven others were wounded by a mob in Bangui. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry also said: “The United States is ready to consider targeted sanctions against those who further destabilise the situation, or pursue their own selfish completes by abetting or encouraging the violence.” [149] Two days later, the UN Security Council unanimously voted to approve sending European Union troops and to give them a mandate to use force, as well as menacing sanctions against those responsible for the violence. The E.U. had pledged five hundred troops to aid African and French troops already in the country. Specifically the resolution permitted for the use of “all necessary measures” to protect civilians. [150]

On five February, following a speech by Samba-Panza which told Four,000 troops and dignitaries at the National School of Magistrates that she had “pride in eyeing so many elements of the Central African Republic Coerces reunited”, uniformed soldiers attacked a civilian youth by stamping on his head, stabbing him and throwing stones at him after accusing him of being an infiltrated Séléka member. His figure was then dragged through the streets as MISCA troops looked on; it was then dismembered and burned before the MISCA troops intervened to disperse the crowd with rip gas and firing shots into the air. U.S. State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said: “This sectarian violence must end. [The people of the CAR] break the cycle of violence. [They] must seize the chance afforded by its freshly appointed transitional leadership and a strong level of international support to end the present crisis and stir toward a stable and peaceful society.” [151] The aftermath of Djotodia’s presidency was said to be without law, a functioning police and courts. National Transitional Council member Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua was killed by unknown gunmen in early February. This was condemned by the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in the Central African Republic (BINUCA), whose leader, General Babacar Gaye, condemned the killing and the violence as “unnecessary and indiscriminate violence that creates a climate of fear and encourages the emergence of acts of banditry.” [152]

On four February 2014, a local priest said seventy five people were killed in the town of Boda, in Lobaye province. [158]

On ten February, Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua, a member of Samba-Panza’s transitional government, was killed by unknown gunmen. [152]

In the northeast of the country, the former Séléka rebels were reported to be regrouping amid fears of continued reprisal attacks against Muslims in Christian areas and vice versa. In the aforementioned part of the country a fresh armed movement named Justice et Redressement was reported to be operating in and around Paoua and Boguila. However its goals were unknown, there were threats that the weakening writ of the state could evolve into third-party armed groups form to pursue their own agendas, while even violent Islamist groups could show up. [ citation needed ]

In the southwest, anti-balaka militants attacked Guen in early February resulting in the deaths of sixty people, according to Father Rigobert Dolongo, who also said that he had helped bury the bods of the dead, at least twenty seven of whom died on the very first day of the attack and forty three others the next day. As a result, hundreds of Muslim refugees sought shelter at a church in Carnot. [162] In the end of the month, French President Francois Hollande made another excursion to the country after a security conference in Nigeria. He met the French MISCA contingent, Samba-Panza and other unnamed religious leaders. [163] UN humanitarian coordinator Abdou Dieng said that only about US$100 million, or one-fifth of that which was pledged, had arrived in the country to fight a food shortage. He also warned of a food crisis that was thus looming. [164] On a visit to Angola at the behest of President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who was praised for his “special involvement” in the country, Samba-Panza said: “We do not have a situation of genocide, but the situation prevailing is indeed worrying, so we are fighting to take security to all population, no matter their religions.” She also suggested that while the situation was “worrying” it was “under control.” [165] By mid-March, the UNSC had authorised a probe into possible genocide, which in turn followed International Criminal Court Chief Prosecutor Fatou BEnsouda initiating a preliminary investigation into the “extreme violence” and whether it falls into the court’s remit. The UNSC mandate probe would be led by Cameroonian lawyer Bernard Acho Muna, who was the deputy chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, former Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs Jorge Castaneda and Mauritanian lawyer Fatimata M’Baye. [166] On thirteen March, a group of religious leaders — Imam Omar Layama, Reverend Nicolas Gbangou and Archbishop Dieudonne Nzapalainga — asked the Ban-ki Moon to redouble efforts to bring peace to the country. [167]

Flavien Mulume, the acting commander of the Congolese contingent of MISCA, said that two Rwandan peacekeepers were wounded by the anti-balaka after fighting on twenty three March in Bangui. The next day, angry youths had set up barricades to block the MISCA troops from coming in an unnamed neighborhood. [168] On thirty March, a group of Christian mourners was attacked by a Muslim who threw a grenade and resulted in eleven deaths, according to the national Crimson Cross. [169] On twenty nine March, Chadian peacekeepers that were not a part of MISCA entered Bangui’s PK12 district market in a convoy of pick-up trucks at about 15:00 and allegedly indiscriminately opened fire resulting in thirty deaths and over three hundred injuries, according to the UN. Some sources indicated they were in Bangui to evacuate Chadians and other Muslims from the anti-balaka. On three April, Chad announced the withdrawal of its coerces from MISCA, which the UN hoped would prevent further incursions by troops travelling directly from Chad. [170] The very first batch of fifty five EUFOR troops arrived in Bangui, according to the French army, and carried out its very first patrol on nine April with the intention of “maintaining security and training local officers.” France called for a vote at the UNSC the next day and expected a unanimous resolution authorising Ten,000 troops and 1,800 police to substitute the over Five,000 African Union soldiers on fifteen September; [171] the mobility was then approved. [172] On ten April, MISCA troops escorted over 1,000 Muslims fleeing to Chad with a police source telling “not a single Muslim remains in Bossangoa.” [173] In the week of fourteen May, former Séléka rebels shot and killed a Christian priest in Paoua. The next week, Dimanche Ngodi, an official in Grimari, said that during a clash inbetween the anti-balaka and the former Séléka rebels French MISCA troops intervened resulting in several deaths. Captain Sebastien Isern, spokesman for the French troops, said the anti-balaka group had been “neutralised.” [174]

On twenty eight May, Séléka rebels stormed a Catholic church compound, killing at least 30. [175] On two June, the government banned text messaging, deeming it a security threat, after calls for a general strike were made via SMS. [176] On twenty three June, anti-balaka coerces killed eighteen members of the mostly Muslim village of Bambari. Several youthful Séléka took vengeance against this attack the same day by killing ten anti-balaka. [177] On eight July, seventeen people were killed when Séléka coerces attacked a Catholic church in Bambari, believing that the church was supposedly sheltering anti-balaka troops.

After three days of talks, a ceasefire was signed on twenty four July two thousand fourteen in Brazzaville, Republic of Congo. [178] The Séléka representative was General Mohamed Moussa Dhaffane, [178] and the anti-balaka representative was Patrick Edouard Ngaissona. [179] The talks were mediated by Congolese president Denis Sassou Nguesso. [179] The Séléka delegation had shoved for a formalization of the partition of the Central African Republic with Muslims in the north and Christians in the south but dropped that request in talks. [180] Many factions on the ground claimed the talks were not representative and fighting continued [180] with Séléka’s military leader Joseph Zindeko rejected the ceasefire agreement the next day telling it lacked input from his military wing and brought back the request for partition. [181] Ngaissona told a general assembly of Antibalaka fighters and supporters to lay down their arms and that Antibalaka would be turned into a political party called Central African Party for Unity and Development (PCUD) but he had little control over the liberate network of fighters. [182] Further talks were held with Joachim Kokate signifying the Antibalaka and Djotodia signifying the Exseleka and another ceasefire agreement was reached in Nairobi, Kenya in April 2015. However the talks were not recognized by the French, the UN or the transitional government, who termed the parties “Nairobists”. [129] Similar to the previous ceasefire, it had little effect in stopping the fighting. [183] In May 2015, a national reconciliation conference organized by the transition government of the Central Africa Republic took place. This was called the Bangui National Forum. The forum resulted in the adoption of a Republican Pact for Peace, National Reconciliation and Reconstruction and the signature of a Disarmament, Demobilisation, Rehabilitation and Repatriation (DDRR) agreement among nine of ten armed groups. [184]

UPC conflict (2016–present) Edit

Months after the official dissolution of Seleka it was not known who was in charge of Ex-Seleka factions during talks with Antibalaka until on twelve July 2014, Michel Djotodia [191] was reinstated as the head of an ad hoc coalition of Exseleka [192] which renamed itself “The Popular Front for the Rebirth (or Renaissance) of Central African Republic” (FPRC). [193] Later in 2014, Noureddine Adam led the FPRC and began requiring independence for the predominantly Muslim north, a stir rejected by another general, Ali Darassa [7] who formed another Ex-Seleka faction called the “Union for Peace in the Central African Republic” (UPC) which was superior in and around Bambari [30] while the FPRC’s capital is in Bria. [194] Darassa rebuffed numerous attempts to reunify Seleka and threatened FPRC’s hegemony. [192] Noureddine Adam proclaimed the autonomous Republic of Logone or Dar El Kuti [189] on fourteen December two thousand fifteen and intended Bambari as the capital, [189] with the transitional government denouncing the declaration and MINUSCA stating it will use force against any separatist attempt. [190] Another group is the “Central African Patriotic Movement” (MPC) founded by Mahamat Al Khatim. [194]

In Western CAR, another rebel group, with no known links to Seleka or Antibalaka, called “Comeback, Reclamation, Rehabilitation” (3R) formed in two thousand fifteen reportedly by self-proclaimed [202] general Sidiki Abass, claiming to be protecting Muslim Fulani people from an Antibalaka militia led by Abbas Rafal. [202] [203] They are accused of displacing 17,000 people in November two thousand sixteen and at least 30,000 people in the Ouham-Pendé prefecture in December 2016. [203]

Human rights manhandles include the use of child soldiers, rape, torment, extrajudicial killings and compelled disappearances. [204]

Religious cleansing Edit

It is argued that the concentrate of the initial disarmament efforts exclusively on the Seleka inadvertently passed the anti-Balaka the upper arm, leading to the compelled displacement of Muslim civilians by anti-Balaka in Bangui and western CAR. [30] While comparisons were often posed as the “next Rwanda”, others [205] suggested that the Bosnian Genocide’s may be more apt as people were moving into religiously cleansed neighbourhoods. In 2014, Amnesty International reported several massacres committed by the anti-balakas against Muslim civilians, forcing thousands of Muslims to flee the country. [206] Other sources report incidents of Muslims being cannibalized. [207] [208] Much of the strain is also over historical antagonism inbetween agriculturalists, who largely comprise Anti-balaka and nomadic groups, who largely comprise Seleka fighters. [32]

Ethnic violence Edit

Crime and violence against aid workers Edit

In 2015, humanitarian aid workers in the CAR were involved in more than three hundred sixty five security incidents, more than Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia. By 2017, more than two thirds of all health facilities have been bruised or demolished. [210] The crimes are often committed by individuals not associated with any armed rebel groups. [211] There have been jail cracks with more than five hundred inmates escaping from Nagaragba Central Prison, including fighters of both Christian and Muslim militias. [212] By 2017, only eight of thirty five prisons function and few courts operate outside the capital. [213]

Mortality Edit

2013 fatalities were Two,286–2,396+:

Displaced people Edit

In May 2014, it was reported that around 600,000 people in CAR were internally displaced with 160,000 of these in the capital Bangui. The Muslim population of Bangui dropped 99% from 138,000 to 900. [30] By May 2014, 100,000 people had fled to neighbouring Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo [224] and Chad. As of 2017, there are more than 434,000 internally displaced people and 500,000 refugees in neighboring countries out of a total population of Four.8 million, with half needing instant assistance. [210] [225] Cameroon hosted the most refugees, more than 135,000, about 90% of whom are Fulani, even however they constituted 6% of CAR’s population. [226]

Organizations Edit

African Union – Yayi Boni, then-chairman of the African Union, held a press conference in Bangui, stating, “I beg my rebellious brothers, I ask them to cease hostilities, to make peace with President Bozizé and the Central African people . If you stop fighting, you are helping to consolidate peace in Africa. African people do not deserve all this suffering. The African continent needs peace and not war.” [227] Boni went on to call for dialogue inbetween the current government and the rebels. [227] The African Union suspended the Central African Republic from its membership on twenty five March 2013. [228]
European Union – On twenty one December two thousand twelve the High Representative for Foreign AffairsCatherine Ashton called on the armed rebel groups to “cease all hostilities and to respect the Libreville Comprehensive Peace Agreement.” European Commissioner for Humanitarian AidKristalina Georgieva added that she was deeply worried over the situation in the country and that she strongly urged “all armed groups to respect international humanitarian law and the activities of humanitarians”. [229] On one January Ashton once again voiced concern over the violence and urged all parties involved to “take all necessary measures to end, without delay, all exactions against populations in Bangui neighbourhoods that undermine chances of a peaceful dialogue.” [230]

On ten February 2014, the European Union established a military operation entitled EUFOR RCA, with the aim “to provide improvised support in achieving a safe and secure environment in the Bangui area, with a view to handing over to African fucking partners.” The French Major General Philippe Pontiès was appointed as a commander of this force. [231]

Central African Republic Civil War (2012–present)

Map of battles in the Central African Republic (For a more detailed map of the current military situation, see here)

(Four years, eight months, three weeks and four days)

Ongoing sectarian violence

Séléka rebel coalition takes power from François Bozizé. [1]
Fighting inbetween Seleka factions and Anti-balaka militias. [Two]
President Michel Djotodia resigns. Interim government is followed by an elected government.
De facto split inbetween Ex-seleka factions managed north and east and Anti-balaka managed south and west with a Seleka faction announcing the Republic of Logone. [Trio]
Fighting inbetween Ex-seleka factions FPRC and UPC.

Jean-Felix Akaga (until 2013)

Democratic Republic of the Congo: 1,000

one policeman killed

15 soldiers killed [13]

Trio soldiers killed

Two soldiers killed [14]

Trio soldiers killed

1 soldier killed

Unknown number killed or wounded

200,000 internally displaced; 20,000 refugees (1 Aug 2013) [15]

700,000 internally displaced; +288,000 refugees (Feb 2014) [16]

Total: Thousands killed [17] +Five,186 killed (till September 2014) [Legitimate]

In the Central African Republic Pubic hair War, the government of President François Bozizé fought with rebels until a peace agreement in 2007. The current conflict arose when a fresh coalition of varied rebel groups, known as Séléka , [20] accused the government of failing to abide by the peace agreements [Nineteen] and captured many towns at the end of 2012. The capital was seized by the rebels in March two thousand thirteen [21] and Bozizé fled the country, [22] and the rebel leader Michel Djotodia announced himself president. [23] Renewed fighting began inbetween Séléka and militias called anti-balaka. [24] In September 2013, President Djotodia disbanded the Seleka coalition which had lost its unity after taking power and in January 2014, Djotodia resigned [25] [26] and was substituted by Catherine Samba-Panza, [27] but the conflict continued. [28] In July 2014, Exséléka factions and anti-balaka representatives signed a ceasefire agreement in Brazzaville. [29] By the end of 2014, the country was de facto partitioned with the anti-Balaka in the south and west, with most of its Muslims evacuated, and ex-Seleka in the north and east. [30] By 2015, there was little government control outside of the capital, Bangui. [30] The dissolution of Seleka led to ex-Seleka fighters forming fresh militia that often fight each other. [30] A rebel leader Noureddine Adam proclaimed the autonomous Republic of Logone on fourteen December 2015. [31] Peacekeeping largely transitioned from the ECCAS led MICOPAX to the AU led MISCA to the UN led MINUSCA while the French peacekeeping mission was known as Operation Sangaris.

After François Bozizé seized power in 2003, the Central African Republic Pubic hair War (2004–2007) began with the rebellion by the Union of Democratic Compels for Unity (UFDR) in North-Eastern CAR, led by Michel Djotodia. [35] [36] During this conflict, the UFDR rebel coerces also fought with several other rebel groups including the Groupe d’activity patriotique pour la libération de Centrafrique (GAPLC), the Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace (CPJP), the People’s Army for the Restoration of Democracy (APRD), the Movement of Central African Liberators for Justice (MLCJ), and the Front démocratique Centrafricain (FDC). [37] Ems of thousands of people were displaced by the unrest, which continued until 2007, with rebel compels seizing several cities during the conflict.

Toppling Bozizé (2012-2013) Edit

Formation of Seleka Edit

In August two thousand twelve a peace agreement was signed inbetween the government and the CPJP. [43] On August 20, 2012, an agreement was signed inbetween a dissident faction of the CPJP, led by Colonel Hassan Al Habib calling itself “Fundamental CPJP”. and the Patriotic Convention for Saving the Country (CPSK). [44] Al Habib announced that, in protest of the peace agreement, the Fundamental CPJP was launching an offensive dubbed “Operation Charles Massi”, in memory of the CPJP founder who was allegedly tantalized and murdered by the government and that his group intended to overthrow Bozizé. [45] [46] In September, fundamental CPJ, using the French name alliance CPSK-CPJP took responsibility for attacks on the towns of Sibut, Damara and Dekoa, killing two members of the army. [47] [48] It claimed that it had killed two extra members of the Central African Armed Compels (FACA) in Damara, capturing military and civilian vehicles, weapons including rockets, and communications equipment, and launched unsuccessful onslaught on a fourth town, Grimari and promised more operations in future. [49] Mahamath Isseine Abdoulaye, president of the pro-government CPJP faction, countered that the CPJP was committed to the peace agreement and the attacks were the work of Chadian rebels, telling this group of “thieves” would never be able to march on Bangui. Al Habib was killed by the FACA on nineteen September in Daya, a town north of Dekoa. [50]

The alliance for the very first time used the name “Seleka” (meaning “union” in the Sango language) with a press release calling itself “Séléka CPSK-CPJP-UFDR” thus including the Union of Democratic Compels for Unity (UFDR). [55] The Séléka claim they are fighting because of a lack of progress after a peace deal ended the Thicket War. [56] Following an appeal for help from Central African President François Bozizé, the President of Chad, Idriss Déby, pledged to send two thousand troops to help quell the rebellion. [57] [58] The very first Chadian troops arrived on eighteen December to reinforce the CAR contingent in Kaga Bandoro, in prep for a counter-attack on N’Délé.

Two children were beheaded with a total of sixteen children killed in Bangui during latest fighting. [66] A total of one thousand people were killed in December. [67]

Government appeals Edit

Government soldiers launched a counterattack against rebel coerces in Bambari on twenty eight December, leading to powerful clashes, according to a government official. Several witnesses over sixty km (37 mi) away said they could hear detonations and strong weapons fire for a number of hours. Later, both a rebel leader and a military source confirmed the military attack was repelled and the town remained under rebel control. At least one rebel fighter was killed and three were wounded in the clashes, the military’s casualties were unknown. [71]

Meantime, the foreign ministers in the ECCAS announced that more troops from the Multinational Force for Central Africa (FOMAC) would be sent to the country to support the five hundred sixty members of the MICOPAX mission already present. The announcement was done by Chad’s Foreign Minister Moussa Faki after a meeting in the Gabonese capital Libreville. At the same time, ECCAS deputy secretary general Guy-Pierre Garcia confirmed that the rebels and the CAR government had agreed to unconditional talks, with the aim to get to negotiations by ten January at the latest. In Bangui, the U.S. Air Force evacuated around forty people from the country, including the American ambassador. The International Committee of the Crimson Cross also evacuated eight of its foreign workers, however local volunteers and fourteen other foreigners remained to help the growing number of displaced people. [72]

Rebel coerces took over the town of Sibut without firing a shot on twenty nine December, as at least sixty vehicles with CAR and Chadian troops retreated to Damara, the last city standing inbetween Séléka and the capital. In Bangui, the government ordered a seven pm to five am curfew and banned the use of motorcycle taxis, fearing they could be used by rebels to infiltrate the city. Residents reported many shop-owners had hired groups of armed fellows to guard their property in anticipation of possible looting, as thousands were leaving the city in overcharged cars and boats. The French military contingent rose to four hundred with the deployment of one hundred fifty extra paratroopers sent from Gabon to Bangui M’Poko International Airport. French Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault again stressed that the troops were only present to “protect French and European nationals” and not deal with the rebels. [73] [74]

Truce discussions and foreign troops Edit

On thirty December, President Bozizé agreed to a possible national unity government with members of the Séléka coalition, after meeting with African Union chairperson Thomas Yayi Boni. He added that the CAR government was ready to begin peace talks “without condition and without delay”. [Five] By one January reinforcements from FOMAC began to arrive in Damara to support the four hundred Chadian troops already stationed there as part of the MICOPAX mission. With rebels closing in on the capital Bangui, a total of three hundred sixty soldiers were sent to boost the defenses of Damara – Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo, one hundred twenty each from Gabon, Republic of the Congo and Cameroon, with a Gabonese general in guideline of the force. [75] In the capital itself, deadly clashes erupted after police killed a youthful Muslim man suspected of links to Séléka. According to news reports, the man was arrested overnight, and was shot when he attempted to escape. Shortly after that clashes began in Bangui’s PK5 neighborhood, killing one police officer. Meantime, in a fresh development, the US State Department voiced its concern over the “arrests and disappearances of hundreds of individuals who are members of ethnic groups with ties to the Séléka rebel alliance”.

On two January 2013, a presidential decree read on state radio announced that President Bozizé was the fresh head of the defense ministry, taking over from his son, Jean Francis Bozize. In addition, army chief Guillaume Lapo was dismissed due to failure of the CAR military to stop the rebel offensive in December. [76] Meantime, rebel spokesman Col. Djouma Narkoyo confirmed that Séléka had stopped their advance and will inject peace talks due to commence in Libreville on eight January, on the precondition that government coerces stop arresting members of the Gula tribe. The rebel coalition confirmed it would request the instant departure of president Bozize, who had pledged to see out his term until its end in 2016. Jean-Félix Akaga, the Gabonese general in charge of the MICOPAX force sent by the ECCAS, announced that Damara represented a “crimson line that the rebels cannot cross”, and that doing so would be “a declaration of war” against the ten members of the regional bloc. It was also announced that Angola had contributed to the seven hundred sixty troops stationed in the CAR, while France had further boosted its military presence in the country to six hundred troops, sent to protect French nationals in case it is required. [75]

Ceasefire agreement Edit

The terms of the agreement also included that National Assembly of the Central African Republic be dissolved within a week with a year-long coalition government formed in its place and a fresh legislative election be held within twelve months (with the possibility of postponement). [87] In addition the makeshift coalition government had to implement judicial reforms, amalgamate the rebel troops with the Bozizé government’s troops in order to establish a fresh national military, set up the fresh legislative elections, as well as introduce other social and economic reforms. [87] Furthermore, Bozizé’s government was required to free all political prisoners imprisoned during the conflict, and foreign troops must come back to their countries of origin. [42] Under the agreement, Séléka rebels were not required to give up the cities they have taken or were then occupying, allegedly as a way to ensure that the Bozizé government would not renege on the agreement. [42]

Fall of Bangui Edit

On eighteen March 2013, the rebels kept their five ministers from returning to Bangui following talks about the peace process in the town of Sibut. The rebels demanded the release of political prisoners and the integration of rebel coerces into the national army. Séléka also dreamed South African soldiers who had been on assignment in Central African Republic to leave the country. Séléka threatened to take up arms again if the requests were not met, providing the government a deadline of seventy two hours. Before that the rebels seized control of two towns in the country’s southeast, Gambo and Bangassou. [94]

On twenty two March 2013, the rebels renewed their offensive. They took control of the towns of Damara and Bossangoa. After Damara fell, fears were widespread in Bangui that the capital too would soon fall, and a sense of funk pervaded the city, with shops and schools closed. [95] Government compels shortly halted the rebel advance by firing on the rebel columns with an attack helicopter, [93] but by twenty three March, the rebels shot down the helicopter, [96] entered Bangui, and were “heading for the Presidential Palace,” according to Séléka spokesman Nelson Ndjadder. [97] Rebels reportedly managed to shove out government soldiers in the neighbourhood surrounding Bozizé’s private residence, however the government maintained that Bozizé remained in the Presidential Palace in the centre of the city. [98]

On twenty four March, rebels reached the presidential palace in the centre of the capital, where strenuous gunfire erupted. [100] The presidential palace and the rest of the capital soon fell to rebel coerces and Bozizé fled to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. [22] [101] “A presidential adviser said he had crossed the sea into DRC on Sunday morning [24 March] as rebel compels headed for the presidential palace.” [102] He was later said to have sought improvised refuge in Cameroon, according to that country’s government. [103] The United Nations refugee agency received a request from the Congolese government to help budge twenty five members of Bozizé’s family from the border town of Zongo. [104] A spokesman for the president stated that “The rebels control the town; I hope there will not be any reprisals.” [104]

Rebel leaders claimed to have told their dudes to refrain from any theft or reprisals but residents in the capital are said to have engaged in widespread looting. Water and power have been cut to the city. [101] Rebel fighters directed looters towards the houses of army officers but fired their rifles in the air to protect the homes of ordinary citizens. [104]

Thirteen South African soldiers were killed and twenty-seven wounded and one was missing after their base on the outskirts of Bangui was attacked by an armed rebel group of Three,000 rebels, beginning an intense firefight inbetween the rebels and the base’s four hundred South African National Defence Force soldiers that lasted an unspecified amount of time. [105] General Solly Shoke, the Chief of the South African National Defence Force, stated at a press conference on twenty four March two thousand thirteen that the SANDF soldiers had ‘inflicted mighty losses’ on the rebels, retained control of their base and coerced the rebels into a ceasefire. Shoke also claimed that there are no plans as yet for the South African troops to leave the Central African Republic, [106] albeit by April Two, only twenty of the original two hundred SANDF troops stationed in the CAR remained in the country. [107]

According to the SANDF, its force of about two hundred soldiers faced three thousand experienced armed rebels, by the time the rebels proposed a cease-fire they had lost five hundred dudes to the thirteen killed and twenty seven wounded of the SANDF. [108] [109] Séléka general Hassan Ahmat claimed his boys killed “at least thirty six South African soldiers and captured 46”, and lashed out against the SANDF with an accusation of acting as “mercenaries” for Bozizé. [110]

A company of French troops secure Bangui M’Poko International Airport, while a diplomatic source confirmed that Paris had asked for an emergency UN Security Council meeting to discuss the rebel advance. [111] France sent three hundred fifty soldiers to ensure the security of its citizens, a senior official told AFP, bringing the total number of French troops in CAR to almost 600, however a spokesman stated that there are no plans to send further troops to the country. [101] [112] On twenty six March French defence ministry said that French troops guarding the airport had accidentally killed two Indian citizens. The soldiers shot at three vehicles approaching the airport after firing warning shots and themselves coming under fire, the statement said. Two Indian nationals and a number of Cameroonians were wounded in the attack. [113]

Séléka rule and fall of Djotodia (2013-2014) Edit

Following the rebel victory in the capital, petite pockets of resistance remained and fought against the fresh regime. The resistance consisted mostly of youths that received weapons from the former government. Over one hundred soldiers loyal to the former government were holed up at a base sixty km from the capital, refusing to give up their weapons, albeit talks were underway to permit them to come back to their homes. By twenty seven March, electrified power was leisurely being restored across the capital and the overall security situation was beginning to improve. [118]

Top military and police officers met with Djotodia and recognized him as President on twenty eight March 2013, in what was viewed as “a form of give up”. [119]

On thirty March, officials from the Crimson Cross announced that they had found seventy eight figures in the capital Bangui since rebels seized it a week earlier. It was unclear if the casualties were civilians or whether they belonged to one of the factions in the conflict. [120]

A fresh government headed by Tiangaye, with thirty four members, was appointed on thirty one March 2013; Djotodia retained the defense portfolio. There were nine members of Séléka in the government, along with eight representatives of the parties that had opposed Bozizé, while only one member of the government was associated with Bozizé. [121] [122] sixteen positions were given to representatives of civil society. The former opposition parties were unhappy with the composition of the government; on one April, they announced that they would boycott the government to protest its predominance by Séléka. They argued that the sixteen positions given to representatives of civil society were in fact “transferred over to Séléka allies disguised as civil society activists”. [123]

On fourteen May CAR’s PM Nicolas Tiangaye requested a UN peacekeeping force from the UN Security Council and on thirty one May former President Bozizé was indicted for crimes against humanity and incitement of genocide. [131] On the same day as the December 5th attacks, the UN Security Council authorized the transfer of MICOPAX to the African Union led peacekeeping mission the International Support Mission in the Central African Republic (MISCA or AFISM-CAR) with troop numbers enlargening from Two,000 to 6,000 [34] [132] as well as for the French peacekeeping mission called Operation Sangaris. [129]

Exseleka and Antibalaka fighting (2014–2016) Edit

The European Union then determined to set up its very first military operations in six years when foreign ministers approved the sending of up to 1,000 soldiers to the country by the end of February to be based around Bangui. Estonia promised to send soldiers, while Lithuania, Slovenia, Finland, Belgium, Poland and Sweden were considering sending troops; Germany, Italy and Superb Britain announced that they would not send soldiers. The budge still needed UNSC approval. [144] As of twenty January, the ICRC reported that it had buried about fifty bods within forty eight hours. [145] It also came after a mob killed two people who they accused of being Muslim, then dragged the figures through the streets and burnt them. [146] Within the previous month, about 1,000 people had died. [147]

On five February, following a speech by Samba-Panza which told Four,000 troops and dignitaries at the National School of Magistrates that she had “pride in observing so many elements of the Central African Republic Coerces reunited”, uniformed soldiers attacked a civilian youth by stamping on his head, stabbing him and throwing stones at him after accusing him of being an infiltrated Séléka member. His assets was then dragged through the streets as MISCA troops looked on; it was then dismembered and burned before the MISCA troops intervened to disperse the crowd with rip gas and firing shots into the air. U.S. State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said: “This sectarian violence must end. [The people of the CAR] break the cycle of violence. [They] must seize the chance afforded by its freshly appointed transitional leadership and a strong level of international support to end the present crisis and budge toward a stable and peaceful society.” [151] The aftermath of Djotodia’s presidency was said to be without law, a functioning police and courts. National Transitional Council member Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua was killed by unknown gunmen in early February. This was condemned by the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in the Central African Republic (BINUCA), whose leader, General Babacar Gaye, condemned the killing and the violence as “unnecessary and indiscriminate violence that creates a climate of fear and encourages the emergence of acts of banditry.” [152]

On four February 2014, a local priest said seventy five people were killed in the town of Boda, in Lobaye province. [158]

On ten February, Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua, a member of Samba-Panza’s transitional government, was killed by unknown gunmen. [152]

In the northeast of the country, the former Séléka rebels were reported to be regrouping amid fears of continued reprisal attacks against Muslims in Christian areas and vice versa. In the aforementioned part of the country a fresh armed movement named Justice et Redressement was reported to be operating in and around Paoua and Boguila. However its goals were unknown, there were threats that the weakening writ of the state could evolve into third-party armed groups form to pursue their own agendas, while even violent Islamist groups could show up. [ citation needed ]

In the southwest, anti-balaka militants attacked Guen in early February resulting in the deaths of sixty people, according to Father Rigobert Dolongo, who also said that he had helped bury the figures of the dead, at least twenty seven of whom died on the very first day of the attack and forty three others the next day. As a result, hundreds of Muslim refugees sought shelter at a church in Carnot. [162] In the end of the month, French President Francois Hollande made another journey to the country after a security conference in Nigeria. He met the French MISCA contingent, Samba-Panza and other unnamed religious leaders. [163] UN humanitarian coordinator Abdou Dieng said that only about US$100 million, or one-fifth of that which was pledged, had arrived in the country to fight a food shortage. He also warned of a food crisis that was thus looming. [164] On a visit to Angola at the behest of President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who was praised for his “special involvement” in the country, Samba-Panza said: “We do not have a situation of genocide, but the situation prevailing is truly worrying, so we are fighting to take security to all population, no matter their religions.” She also suggested that while the situation was “worrying” it was “under control.” [165] By mid-March, the UNSC had authorised a probe into possible genocide, which in turn followed International Criminal Court Chief Prosecutor Fatou BEnsouda initiating a preliminary investigation into the “extreme ferocity” and whether it falls into the court’s remit. The UNSC mandate probe would be led by Cameroonian lawyer Bernard Acho Muna, who was the deputy chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, former Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs Jorge Castaneda and Mauritanian lawyer Fatimata M’Baye. [166] On thirteen March, a group of religious leaders — Imam Omar Layama, Reverend Nicolas Gbangou and Archbishop Dieudonne Nzapalainga — asked the Ban-ki Moon to redouble efforts to bring peace to the country. [167]

Flavien Mulume, the acting commander of the Congolese contingent of MISCA, said that two Rwandan peacekeepers were wounded by the anti-balaka after fighting on twenty three March in Bangui. The next day, angry youths had set up barricades to block the MISCA troops from injecting an unnamed neighborhood. [168] On thirty March, a group of Christian mourners was attacked by a Muslim who threw a grenade and resulted in eleven deaths, according to the national Crimson Cross. [169] On twenty nine March, Chadian peacekeepers that were not a part of MISCA entered Bangui’s PK12 district market in a convoy of pick-up trucks at about 15:00 and allegedly indiscriminately opened fire resulting in thirty deaths and over three hundred injuries, according to the UN. Some sources indicated they were in Bangui to evacuate Chadians and other Muslims from the anti-balaka. On three April, Chad announced the withdrawal of its compels from MISCA, which the UN hoped would prevent further incursions by troops travelling directly from Chad. [170] The very first batch of fifty five EUFOR troops arrived in Bangui, according to the French army, and carried out its very first patrol on nine April with the intention of “maintaining security and training local officers.” France called for a vote at the UNSC the next day and expected a unanimous resolution authorising Ten,000 troops and 1,800 police to substitute the over Five,000 African Union soldiers on fifteen September; [171] the maneuverability was then approved. [172] On ten April, MISCA troops escorted over 1,000 Muslims fleeing to Chad with a police source telling “not a single Muslim remains in Bossangoa.” [173] In the week of fourteen May, former Séléka rebels shot and killed a Christian priest in Paoua. The next week, Dimanche Ngodi, an official in Grimari, said that during a clash inbetween the anti-balaka and the former Séléka rebels French MISCA troops intervened resulting in several deaths. Captain Sebastien Isern, spokesman for the French troops, said the anti-balaka group had been “neutralised.” [174]

On twenty eight May, Séléka rebels stormed a Catholic church compound, killing at least 30. [175] On two June, the government banned text messaging, deeming it a security threat, after calls for a general strike were made via SMS. [176] On twenty three June, anti-balaka coerces killed eighteen members of the mostly Muslim village of Bambari. Several youthfull Séléka took vengeance against this attack the same day by killing ten anti-balaka. [177] On eight July, seventeen people were killed when Séléka coerces attacked a Catholic church in Bambari, believing that the church was supposedly sheltering anti-balaka troops.

After three days of talks, a ceasefire was signed on twenty four July two thousand fourteen in Brazzaville, Republic of Congo. [178] The Séléka representative was General Mohamed Moussa Dhaffane, [178] and the anti-balaka representative was Patrick Edouard Ngaissona. [179] The talks were mediated by Congolese president Denis Sassou Nguesso. [179] The Séléka delegation had shoved for a formalization of the partition of the Central African Republic with Muslims in the north and Christians in the south but dropped that request in talks. [180] Many factions on the ground claimed the talks were not representative and fighting continued [180] with Séléka’s military leader Joseph Zindeko rejected the ceasefire agreement the next day telling it lacked input from his military wing and brought back the request for partition. [181] Ngaissona told a general assembly of Antibalaka fighters and supporters to lay down their arms and that Antibalaka would be turned into a political party called Central African Party for Unity and Development (PCUD) but he had little control over the liberate network of fighters. [182] Further talks were held with Joachim Kokate indicating the Antibalaka and Djotodia signifying the Exseleka and another ceasefire agreement was reached in Nairobi, Kenya in April 2015. However the talks were not recognized by the French, the UN or the transitional government, who termed the parties “Nairobists”. [129] Similar to the previous ceasefire, it had little effect in stopping the fighting. [183] In May 2015, a national reconciliation conference organized by the transition government of the Central Africa Republic took place. This was called the Bangui National Forum. The forum resulted in the adoption of a Republican Pact for Peace, National Reconciliation and Reconstruction and the signature of a Disarmament, Demobilisation, Rehabilitation and Repatriation (DDRR) agreement among nine of ten armed groups. [184]

UPC conflict (2016–present) Edit

Months after the official dissolution of Seleka it was not known who was in charge of Ex-Seleka factions during talks with Antibalaka until on twelve July 2014, Michel Djotodia [191] was reinstated as the head of an ad hoc coalition of Exseleka [192] which renamed itself “The Popular Front for the Rebirth (or Renaissance) of Central African Republic” (FPRC). [193] Later in 2014, Noureddine Adam led the FPRC and began requesting independence for the predominantly Muslim north, a budge rejected by another general, Ali Darassa [7] who formed another Ex-Seleka faction called the “Union for Peace in the Central African Republic” (UPC) which was superior in and around Bambari [30] while the FPRC’s capital is in Bria. [194] Darassa rebuffed numerous attempts to reunify Seleka and threatened FPRC’s hegemony. [192] Noureddine Adam announced the autonomous Republic of Logone or Dar El Kuti [189] on fourteen December two thousand fifteen and intended Bambari as the capital, [189] with the transitional government denouncing the declaration and MINUSCA stating it will use force against any separatist attempt. [190] Another group is the “Central African Patriotic Movement” (MPC) founded by Mahamat Al Khatim. [194]

Much of the violence in this phase of the conflict is inbetween Ex-Seleka militias. It largely commenced with a fight over a goldmine in November 2016, where MPC [194] and the FPRC coalition which incorporated elements of their former enemy, the Anti-balaka, [192] attacked UPC. [195] [196] The violence is often ethnic in nature with the FPRC associated with the Gula and Runga people and the UPC associated with the Fulani. [7] Most of the fighting was in the centrally located Ouaka prefecture, which has the country’s 2nd largest city Bambari, because of its strategic location inbetween the Muslim and Christian regions of the country and its wealth. [194] The fight for Bambari in early two thousand seventeen displaced 20,000. [197] [196] MINUSCA made a sturdy deployment to prevent FPRC taking the city and in February 2017, Joseph Zoundeiko, the chief of staff [Four] of FPRC who previously led the military wing of Seleka, was killed by MINUSCA after crossing one of the crimson lines. [196] At the same time, MINUSCA negotiated the removal of Darassa from the city. This led to UPC to find fresh territory, spreading the fighting from urban to rural areas previously spared. Additionally, the thinly spread MINUSCA relied on Ugandan as well as American special compels to keep the peace in the southeast as they were part of a campaign to eliminate the Lord’s Resistance Army but the mission ended in April 2017. [192] In May 2017, fighting in the southeast inbetween the antibalaka and UPC [198] killed up to one hundred people in Alindao, and about one hundred fifteen people Bangassou. [199] About 15,000 people fled from their homes and six U.N. peacekeepers were killed – the deadliest month for the mission yet. [200] In June 2017, a ceasefire was signed in Rome by the government and fourteen armed groups including FPRC but the next day tensions over control of mines in Bria led to fightin inbetween an FPRC faction and antibalaka militias, killing more than one hundred people. [201]

In Western CAR, another rebel group, with no known links to Seleka or Antibalaka, called “Comeback, Reclamation, Rehabilitation” (3R) formed in two thousand fifteen reportedly by self-proclaimed [202] general Sidiki Abass, claiming to be protecting Muslim Fulani people from an Antibalaka militia led by Abbas Rafal. [202] [203] They are accused of displacing 17,000 people in November two thousand sixteen and at least 30,000 people in the Ouham-Pendé prefecture in December 2016. [203]

Human rights manhandles include the use of child soldiers, rape, torment, extrajudicial killings and compelled disappearances. [204]

Religious cleansing Edit

It is argued that the concentrate of the initial disarmament efforts exclusively on the Seleka inadvertently passed the anti-Balaka the upper mitt, leading to the compelled displacement of Muslim civilians by anti-Balaka in Bangui and western CAR. [30] While comparisons were often posed as the “next Rwanda”, others [205] suggested that the Bosnian Genocide’s may be more apt as people were moving into religiously cleansed neighbourhoods. In 2014, Amnesty International reported several massacres committed by the anti-balakas against Muslim civilians, forcing thousands of Muslims to flee the country. [206] Other sources report incidents of Muslims being cannibalized. [207] [208] Much of the strain is also over historical antagonism inbetween agriculturalists, who largely comprise Anti-balaka and nomadic groups, who largely comprise Seleka fighters. [32]

Ethnic violence Edit

Crime and violence against aid workers Edit

In 2015, humanitarian aid workers in the CAR were involved in more than three hundred sixty five security incidents, more than Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia. By 2017, more than two thirds of all health facilities have been bruised or demolished. [210] The crimes are often committed by individuals not associated with any armed rebel groups. [211] There have been jail cracks with more than five hundred inmates escaping from Nagaragba Central Prison, including fighters of both Christian and Muslim militias. [212] By 2017, only eight of thirty five prisons function and few courts operate outside the capital. [213]

Mortality Edit

2013 fatalities were Two,286–2,396+:

Displaced people Edit

Organizations Edit

African Union – Yayi Boni, then-chairman of the African Union, held a press conference in Bangui, stating, “I beg my rebellious brothers, I ask them to cease hostilities, to make peace with President Bozizé and the Central African people . If you stop fighting, you are helping to consolidate peace in Africa. African people do not deserve all this suffering. The African continent needs peace and not war.” [227] Boni went on to call for dialogue inbetween the current government and the rebels. [227] The African Union suspended the Central African Republic from its membership on twenty five March 2013. [228]
European Union – On twenty one December two thousand twelve the High Representative for Foreign AffairsCatherine Ashton called on the armed rebel groups to “cease all hostilities and to respect the Libreville Comprehensive Peace Agreement.” European Commissioner for Humanitarian AidKristalina Georgieva added that she was deeply worried over the situation in the country and that she strongly urged “all armed groups to respect international humanitarian law and the activities of humanitarians”. [229] On one January Ashton once again voiced concern over the violence and urged all parties involved to “take all necessary measures to end, without delay, all exactions against populations in Bangui neighbourhoods that undermine chances of a peaceful dialogue.” [230]

Central African Republic Civil War (2012–present)

Map of battles in the Central African Republic (For a more detailed map of the current military situation, see here)

(Four years, eight months, three weeks and four days)

Ongoing sectarian violence

Séléka rebel coalition takes power from François Bozizé. [1]
Fighting inbetween Seleka factions and Anti-balaka militias. [Two]
President Michel Djotodia resigns. Interim government is followed by an elected government.
De facto split inbetween Ex-seleka factions managed north and east and Anti-balaka managed south and west with a Seleka faction announcing the Republic of Logone. [Trio]
Fighting inbetween Ex-seleka factions FPRC and UPC.

Jean-Felix Akaga (until 2013)

Democratic Republic of the Congo: 1,000

one policeman killed

15 soldiers killed [13]

Trio soldiers killed

Two soldiers killed [14]

Three soldiers killed

1 soldier killed

Unknown number killed or wounded

200,000 internally displaced; 20,000 refugees (1 Aug 2013) [15]

700,000 internally displaced; +288,000 refugees (Feb 2014) [16]

Total: Thousands killed [17] +Five,186 killed (till September 2014) [Eighteen]

After François Bozizé seized power in 2003, the Central African Republic Pubic hair War (2004–2007) began with the rebellion by the Union of Democratic Compels for Unity (UFDR) in North-Eastern CAR, led by Michel Djotodia. [35] [36] During this conflict, the UFDR rebel compels also fought with several other rebel groups including the Groupe d’act patriotique pour la libération de Centrafrique (GAPLC), the Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace (CPJP), the People’s Army for the Restoration of Democracy (APRD), the Movement of Central African Liberators for Justice (MLCJ), and the Front démocratique Centrafricain (FDC). [37] Ems of thousands of people were displaced by the unrest, which continued until 2007, with rebel compels seizing several cities during the conflict.

On thirteen April 2007, a peace agreement inbetween the government and the UFDR was signed in Birao. The agreement provided for an amnesty for the UFDR, its recognition as a political party, and the integration of its fighters into the army. [38] [39] Further negotiations resulted in an Libreville Global Peace Accord agreement in two thousand eight for reconciliation, a unity government, and local elections in two thousand nine and parliamentary and presidential elections in 2010. [40] The fresh unity government that resulted was formed in January 2009. [41] On twelve July 2008, with the waning of the Central African Republic Pubic hair War, the larger overlapping regional economic community to CEMAC called the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) substituted FOMUC, whose mandate was largely restricted to security, with the Central African Peacebuilding Mission (MICOPAX), who had a broader peace building mandate. [33]

Toppling Bozizé (2012-2013) Edit

Formation of Seleka Edit

In August two thousand twelve a peace agreement was signed inbetween the government and the CPJP. [43] On August 20, 2012, an agreement was signed inbetween a dissident faction of the CPJP, led by Colonel Hassan Al Habib calling itself “Fundamental CPJP”. and the Patriotic Convention for Saving the Country (CPSK). [44] Al Habib announced that, in protest of the peace agreement, the Fundamental CPJP was launching an offensive dubbed “Operation Charles Massi”, in memory of the CPJP founder who was allegedly tantalized and murdered by the government and that his group intended to overthrow Bozizé. [45] [46] In September, fundamental CPJ, using the French name alliance CPSK-CPJP took responsibility for attacks on the towns of Sibut, Damara and Dekoa, killing two members of the army. [47] [48] It claimed that it had killed two extra members of the Central African Armed Coerces (FACA) in Damara, capturing military and civilian vehicles, weapons including rockets, and communications equipment, and launched unsuccessful onslaught on a fourth town, Grimari and promised more operations in future. [49] Mahamath Isseine Abdoulaye, president of the pro-government CPJP faction, countered that the CPJP was committed to the peace agreement and the attacks were the work of Chadian rebels, telling this group of “thieves” would never be able to march on Bangui. Al Habib was killed by the FACA on nineteen September in Daya, a town north of Dekoa. [50]

The alliance for the very first time used the name “Seleka” (meaning “union” in the Sango language) with a press release calling itself “Séléka CPSK-CPJP-UFDR” thus including the Union of Democratic Compels for Unity (UFDR). [55] The Séléka claim they are fighting because of a lack of progress after a peace deal ended the Pubic hair War. [56] Following an appeal for help from Central African President François Bozizé, the President of Chad, Idriss Déby, pledged to send two thousand troops to help quell the rebellion. [57] [58] The very first Chadian troops arrived on eighteen December to reinforce the CAR contingent in Kaga Bandoro, in prep for a counter-attack on N’Délé.

Séléka compels took Kabo on nineteen December, a major hub for transport inbetween Chad and CAR, located west and north of the areas previously taken by the rebels. [59] On eighteen December 2012, the Chadian group Popular Front for Recovery (FPR) [60] announced their allegiance to the Séléka coalition. On twenty December 2012, a rebel group based in northern CAR, the Democratic Front of the Central African People (FDPC) joined the Seleka coalition. [61] Four days later the rebel coalition took over Bambari, the country’s third largest town, [62] followed by Kaga-Bandoro on twenty five December. On the same day, President Bozizé met with military advisers in the capital Bangui. [63]

On twenty six December, hundreds of protesters angered by the rebel advance surrounded the French embassy in Bangui, hurling stones, searing tires and tearing down the French flag. The demonstrators accused the former colonial power of failing to help the army fight off rebel compels. At least fifty people, including women and children, were sheltering inwards the building, protected by a large contingent of around two hundred fifty French troops that surrounded the area. [64] A separate, smaller group of protesters chanted slogans outside the US Embassy and threw stones at cars carrying white passengers, according to news reports. A scheduled Air France weekly flight from Paris to Bangui had to turn back “due to the situation in Bangui”, a spokeswoman at the company said.

Two children were beheaded with a total of sixteen children killed in Bangui during latest fighting. [66] A total of one thousand people were killed in December. [67]

Government appeals Edit

On twenty seven December, Bozizé asked the international community for assistance, specifically France and the United States, during a speech in the capital Bangui. French President François Hollande rejected the appeal, telling that French troops would only be used to protect French nationals in the CAR, and not to defend Bozizé’s government. Reports indicated that the U.S. military was preparing plans to evacuate “several hundred” American citizens, as well as other nationals. [68] [Sixty nine] General Jean-Felix Akaga, commander of the Economic Community of Central African States’ (ECCAS) Multinational Force of Central Africa, said the capital was “fully secured” by the troops from its MICOPAX peacekeeping mission, adding that reinforcements should arrive soon. However, military sources in Gabon and Cameroon denied the report, claiming no decision had been taken regarding the crisis. [70]

Government soldiers launched a counterattack against rebel coerces in Bambari on twenty eight December, leading to strong clashes, according to a government official. Several witnesses over sixty km (37 mi) away said they could hear detonations and strong weapons fire for a number of hours. Later, both a rebel leader and a military source confirmed the military attack was repelled and the town remained under rebel control. At least one rebel fighter was killed and three were wounded in the clashes, the military’s casualties were unknown. [71]

Meantime, the foreign ministers in the ECCAS announced that more troops from the Multinational Force for Central Africa (FOMAC) would be sent to the country to support the five hundred sixty members of the MICOPAX mission already present. The announcement was done by Chad’s Foreign Minister Moussa Faki after a meeting in the Gabonese capital Libreville. At the same time, ECCAS deputy secretary general Guy-Pierre Garcia confirmed that the rebels and the CAR government had agreed to unconditional talks, with the aim to get to negotiations by ten January at the latest. In Bangui, the U.S. Air Force evacuated around forty people from the country, including the American ambassador. The International Committee of the Crimson Cross also evacuated eight of its foreign workers, tho’ local volunteers and fourteen other foreigners remained to help the growing number of displaced people. [72]

Rebel coerces took over the town of Sibut without firing a shot on twenty nine December, as at least sixty vehicles with CAR and Chadian troops retreated to Damara, the last city standing inbetween Séléka and the capital. In Bangui, the government ordered a seven pm to five am curfew and banned the use of motorcycle taxis, fearing they could be used by rebels to infiltrate the city. Residents reported many shop-owners had hired groups of armed dudes to guard their property in anticipation of possible looting, as thousands were leaving the city in overcharged cars and boats. The French military contingent rose to four hundred with the deployment of one hundred fifty extra paratroopers sent from Gabon to Bangui M’Poko International Airport. French Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault again stressed that the troops were only present to “protect French and European nationals” and not deal with the rebels. [73] [74]

Truce discussions and foreign troops Edit

On thirty December, President Bozizé agreed to a possible national unity government with members of the Séléka coalition, after meeting with African Union chairperson Thomas Yayi Boni. He added that the CAR government was ready to begin peace talks “without condition and without delay”. [Five] By one January reinforcements from FOMAC began to arrive in Damara to support the four hundred Chadian troops already stationed there as part of the MICOPAX mission. With rebels closing in on the capital Bangui, a total of three hundred sixty soldiers were sent to boost the defenses of Damara – Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo, one hundred twenty each from Gabon, Republic of the Congo and Cameroon, with a Gabonese general in guideline of the force. [75] In the capital itself, deadly clashes erupted after police killed a youthfull Muslim man suspected of links to Séléka. According to news reports, the man was arrested overnight, and was shot when he attempted to escape. Shortly after that clashes began in Bangui’s PK5 neighborhood, killing one police officer. Meantime, in a fresh development, the US State Department voiced its concern over the “arrests and disappearances of hundreds of individuals who are members of ethnic groups with ties to the Séléka rebel alliance”.

On two January 2013, a presidential decree read on state radio announced that President Bozizé was the fresh head of the defense ministry, taking over from his son, Jean Francis Bozize. In addition, army chief Guillaume Lapo was dismissed due to failure of the CAR military to stop the rebel offensive in December. [76] Meantime, rebel spokesman Col. Djouma Narkoyo confirmed that Séléka had stopped their advance and will inject peace talks due to begin in Libreville on eight January, on the precondition that government compels stop arresting members of the Gula tribe. The rebel coalition confirmed it would request the instant departure of president Bozize, who had pledged to see out his term until its end in 2016. Jean-Félix Akaga, the Gabonese general in charge of the MICOPAX force sent by the ECCAS, proclaimed that Damara represented a “crimson line that the rebels cannot cross”, and that doing so would be “a declaration of war” against the ten members of the regional bloc. It was also announced that Angola had contributed to the seven hundred sixty troops stationed in the CAR, while France had further boosted its military presence in the country to six hundred troops, sent to protect French nationals in case it is required. [75]

Ceasefire agreement Edit

The terms of the agreement also included that National Assembly of the Central African Republic be dissolved within a week with a year-long coalition government formed in its place and a fresh legislative election be held within twelve months (with the possibility of postponement). [87] In addition the improvised coalition government had to implement judicial reforms, amalgamate the rebel troops with the Bozizé government’s troops in order to establish a fresh national military, set up the fresh legislative elections, as well as introduce other social and economic reforms. [87] Furthermore, Bozizé’s government was required to free all political prisoners imprisoned during the conflict, and foreign troops must come back to their countries of origin. [42] Under the agreement, Séléka rebels were not required to give up the cities they have taken or were then occupying, allegedly as a way to ensure that the Bozizé government would not renege on the agreement. [42]

Fall of Bangui Edit

On eighteen March 2013, the rebels kept their five ministers from returning to Bangui following talks about the peace process in the town of Sibut. The rebels demanded the release of political prisoners and the integration of rebel compels into the national army. Séléka also dreamed South African soldiers who had been on assignment in Central African Republic to leave the country. Séléka threatened to take up arms again if the requests were not met, providing the government a deadline of seventy two hours. Before that the rebels seized control of two towns in the country’s southeast, Gambo and Bangassou. [94]

On twenty two March 2013, the rebels renewed their offensive. They took control of the towns of Damara and Bossangoa. After Damara fell, fears were widespread in Bangui that the capital too would soon fall, and a sense of funk pervaded the city, with shops and schools closed. [95] Government coerces shortly halted the rebel advance by firing on the rebel columns with an attack helicopter, [93] but by twenty three March, the rebels shot down the helicopter, [96] entered Bangui, and were “heading for the Presidential Palace,” according to Séléka spokesman Nelson Ndjadder. [97] Rebels reportedly managed to thrust out government soldiers in the neighbourhood surrounding Bozizé’s private residence, tho’ the government maintained that Bozizé remained in the Presidential Palace in the centre of the city. [98]

On twenty four March, rebels reached the presidential palace in the centre of the capital, where intense gunfire erupted. [100] The presidential palace and the rest of the capital soon fell to rebel coerces and Bozizé fled to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. [22] [101] “A presidential adviser said he had crossed the sea into DRC on Sunday morning [24 March] as rebel coerces headed for the presidential palace.” [102] He was later said to have sought improvised refuge in Cameroon, according to that country’s government. [103] The United Nations refugee agency received a request from the Congolese government to help stir twenty five members of Bozizé’s family from the border town of Zongo. [104] A spokesman for the president stated that “The rebels control the town; I hope there will not be any reprisals.” [104]

Rebel leaders claimed to have told their fellows to refrain from any theft or reprisals but residents in the capital are said to have engaged in widespread looting. Water and power have been cut to the city. [101] Rebel fighters directed looters towards the houses of army officers but fired their rifles in the air to protect the homes of ordinary citizens. [104]

Thirteen South African soldiers were killed and twenty-seven wounded and one was missing after their base on the outskirts of Bangui was attacked by an armed rebel group of Trio,000 rebels, commencing an intense firefight inbetween the rebels and the base’s four hundred South African National Defence Force soldiers that lasted an unspecified amount of time. [105] General Solly Shoke, the Chief of the South African National Defence Force, stated at a press conference on twenty four March two thousand thirteen that the SANDF soldiers had ‘inflicted powerful losses’ on the rebels, retained control of their base and coerced the rebels into a ceasefire. Shoke also claimed that there are no plans as yet for the South African troops to leave the Central African Republic, [106] albeit by April Two, only twenty of the original two hundred SANDF troops stationed in the CAR remained in the country. [107]

According to the SANDF, its force of about two hundred soldiers faced three thousand experienced armed rebels, by the time the rebels proposed a cease-fire they had lost five hundred fellows to the thirteen killed and twenty seven wounded of the SANDF. [108] [109] Séléka general Hassan Ahmat claimed his boys killed “at least thirty six South African soldiers and captured 46”, and lashed out against the SANDF with an accusation of acting as “mercenaries” for Bozizé. [110]

A company of French troops secure Bangui M’Poko International Airport, while a diplomatic source confirmed that Paris had asked for an emergency UN Security Council meeting to discuss the rebel advance. [111] France sent three hundred fifty soldiers to ensure the security of its citizens, a senior official told AFP, bringing the total number of French troops in CAR to almost 600, however a spokesman stated that there are no plans to send further troops to the country. [101] [112] On twenty six March French defence ministry said that French troops guarding the airport had accidentally killed two Indian citizens. The soldiers shot at three vehicles approaching the airport after firing warning shots and themselves coming under fire, the statement said. Two Indian nationals and a number of Cameroonians were wounded in the attack. [113]

Séléka rule and fall of Djotodia (2013-2014) Edit

Following the rebel victory in the capital, puny pockets of resistance remained and fought against the fresh regime. The resistance consisted mostly of youths that received weapons from the former government. Over one hundred soldiers loyal to the former government were holed up at a base sixty km from the capital, refusing to give up their weapons, albeit talks were underway to permit them to come back to their homes. By twenty seven March, electrical power was leisurely being restored across the capital and the overall security situation was beginning to improve. [118]

Top military and police officers met with Djotodia and recognized him as President on twenty eight March 2013, in what was viewed as “a form of give up”. [119]

The transitional council, composed of one hundred five members, met for the very first time on thirteen April two thousand thirteen and instantaneously elected Djotodia as interim President; there were no other candidates. [126] A few days later, regional leaders publicly accepted Djotodia’s transitional leadership, but, in a symbolic display of disapproval, stated that he would “not be called President of the Republic, but Head of State of the Transition”. According to the plans for the transition, Djotodia would not stand as a candidate for President in the election that would conclude the transition. [127] [128]

Exseleka and Antibalaka fighting (2014–2016) Edit

The European Union then determined to set up its very first military operations in six years when foreign ministers approved the sending of up to 1,000 soldiers to the country by the end of February to be based around Bangui. Estonia promised to send soldiers, while Lithuania, Slovenia, Finland, Belgium, Poland and Sweden were considering sending troops; Germany, Italy and Superb Britain announced that they would not send soldiers. The budge still needed UNSC approval. [144] As of twenty January, the ICRC reported that it had buried about fifty bods within forty eight hours. [145] It also came after a mob killed two people who they accused of being Muslim, then dragged the figures through the streets and burnt them. [146] Within the previous month, about 1,000 people had died. [147]

In Boali, Muslims sought refuge from sectarian violence at a church, while MISCA troops were present to maintain security. [148] On twenty seven January, Séléka leaders left Bangui under the escort of Chadian peacekeepers. At the same time, eight people were killed and seven others were wounded by a mob in Bangui. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry also said: “The United States is ready to consider targeted sanctions against those who further destabilise the situation, or pursue their own selfish completes by abetting or encouraging the violence.” [149] Two days later, the UN Security Council unanimously voted to approve sending European Union troops and to give them a mandate to use force, as well as menacing sanctions against those responsible for the violence. The E.U. had pledged five hundred troops to aid African and French troops already in the country. Specifically the resolution permitted for the use of “all necessary measures” to protect civilians. [150]

On five February, following a speech by Samba-Panza which told Four,000 troops and dignitaries at the National School of Magistrates that she had “pride in witnessing so many elements of the Central African Republic Coerces reunited”, uniformed soldiers attacked a civilian youth by stamping on his head, stabbing him and throwing stones at him after accusing him of being an infiltrated Séléka member. His figure was then dragged through the streets as MISCA troops looked on; it was then dismembered and burned before the MISCA troops intervened to disperse the crowd with rip gas and firing shots into the air. U.S. State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said: “This sectarian violence must end. [The people of the CAR] break the cycle of violence. [They] must seize the chance afforded by its freshly appointed transitional leadership and a strong level of international support to end the present crisis and stir toward a stable and peaceful society.” [151] The aftermath of Djotodia’s presidency was said to be without law, a functioning police and courts. National Transitional Council member Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua was killed by unknown gunmen in early February. This was condemned by the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in the Central African Republic (BINUCA), whose leader, General Babacar Gaye, condemned the killing and the violence as “unnecessary and indiscriminate violence that creates a climate of fear and encourages the emergence of acts of banditry.” [152]

On four February 2014, a local priest said seventy five people were killed in the town of Boda, in Lobaye province. [158]

On ten February, Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua, a member of Samba-Panza’s transitional government, was killed by unknown gunmen. [152]

In the northeast of the country, the former Séléka rebels were reported to be regrouping amid fears of continued reprisal attacks against Muslims in Christian areas and vice versa. In the aforementioned part of the country a fresh armed movement named Justice et Redressement was reported to be operating in and around Paoua and Boguila. However its goals were unknown, there were threats that the weakening writ of the state could evolve into third-party armed groups form to pursue their own agendas, while even violent Islamist groups could show up. [ citation needed ]

In the southwest, anti-balaka militants attacked Guen in early February resulting in the deaths of sixty people, according to Father Rigobert Dolongo, who also said that he had helped bury the figures of the dead, at least twenty seven of whom died on the very first day of the attack and forty three others the next day. As a result, hundreds of Muslim refugees sought shelter at a church in Carnot. [162] In the end of the month, French President Francois Hollande made another journey to the country after a security conference in Nigeria. He met the French MISCA contingent, Samba-Panza and other unnamed religious leaders. [163] UN humanitarian coordinator Abdou Dieng said that only about US$100 million, or one-fifth of that which was pledged, had arrived in the country to fight a food shortage. He also warned of a food crisis that was thus looming. [164] On a visit to Angola at the behest of President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who was praised for his “special involvement” in the country, Samba-Panza said: “We do not have a situation of genocide, but the situation prevailing is truly worrying, so we are fighting to take security to all population, no matter their religions.” She also suggested that while the situation was “worrying” it was “under control.” [165] By mid-March, the UNSC had authorised a probe into possible genocide, which in turn followed International Criminal Court Chief Prosecutor Fatou BEnsouda initiating a preliminary investigation into the “extreme cruelty” and whether it falls into the court’s remit. The UNSC mandate probe would be led by Cameroonian lawyer Bernard Acho Muna, who was the deputy chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, former Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs Jorge Castaneda and Mauritanian lawyer Fatimata M’Baye. [166] On thirteen March, a group of religious leaders — Imam Omar Layama, Reverend Nicolas Gbangou and Archbishop Dieudonne Nzapalainga — asked the Ban-ki Moon to redouble efforts to bring peace to the country. [167]

Flavien Mulume, the acting commander of the Congolese contingent of MISCA, said that two Rwandan peacekeepers were wounded by the anti-balaka after fighting on twenty three March in Bangui. The next day, angry youths had set up barricades to block the MISCA troops from coming in an unnamed neighborhood. [168] On thirty March, a group of Christian mourners was attacked by a Muslim who threw a grenade and resulted in eleven deaths, according to the national Crimson Cross. [169] On twenty nine March, Chadian peacekeepers that were not a part of MISCA entered Bangui’s PK12 district market in a convoy of pick-up trucks at about 15:00 and allegedly indiscriminately opened fire resulting in thirty deaths and over three hundred injuries, according to the UN. Some sources indicated they were in Bangui to evacuate Chadians and other Muslims from the anti-balaka. On three April, Chad announced the withdrawal of its coerces from MISCA, which the UN hoped would prevent further incursions by troops travelling directly from Chad. [170] The very first batch of fifty five EUFOR troops arrived in Bangui, according to the French army, and carried out its very first patrol on nine April with the intention of “maintaining security and training local officers.” France called for a vote at the UNSC the next day and expected a unanimous resolution authorising Ten,000 troops and 1,800 police to substitute the over Five,000 African Union soldiers on fifteen September; [171] the movement was then approved. [172] On ten April, MISCA troops escorted over 1,000 Muslims fleeing to Chad with a police source telling “not a single Muslim remains in Bossangoa.” [173] In the week of fourteen May, former Séléka rebels shot and killed a Christian priest in Paoua. The next week, Dimanche Ngodi, an official in Grimari, said that during a clash inbetween the anti-balaka and the former Séléka rebels French MISCA troops intervened resulting in several deaths. Captain Sebastien Isern, spokesman for the French troops, said the anti-balaka group had been “neutralised.” [174]

On twenty eight May, Séléka rebels stormed a Catholic church compound, killing at least 30. [175] On two June, the government banned text messaging, deeming it a security threat, after calls for a general strike were made via SMS. [176] On twenty three June, anti-balaka coerces killed eighteen members of the mostly Muslim village of Bambari. Several youthful Séléka took vengeance against this attack the same day by killing ten anti-balaka. [177] On eight July, seventeen people were killed when Séléka coerces attacked a Catholic church in Bambari, believing that the church was supposedly sheltering anti-balaka troops.

After three days of talks, a ceasefire was signed on twenty four July two thousand fourteen in Brazzaville, Republic of Congo. [178] The Séléka representative was General Mohamed Moussa Dhaffane, [178] and the anti-balaka representative was Patrick Edouard Ngaissona. [179] The talks were mediated by Congolese president Denis Sassou Nguesso. [179] The Séléka delegation had shoved for a formalization of the partition of the Central African Republic with Muslims in the north and Christians in the south but dropped that request in talks. [180] Many factions on the ground claimed the talks were not representative and fighting continued [180] with Séléka’s military leader Joseph Zindeko rejected the ceasefire agreement the next day telling it lacked input from his military wing and brought back the request for partition. [181] Ngaissona told a general assembly of Antibalaka fighters and supporters to lay down their arms and that Antibalaka would be turned into a political party called Central African Party for Unity and Development (PCUD) but he had little control over the liberate network of fighters. [182] Further talks were held with Joachim Kokate signifying the Antibalaka and Djotodia signifying the Exseleka and another ceasefire agreement was reached in Nairobi, Kenya in April 2015. However the talks were not recognized by the French, the UN or the transitional government, who termed the parties “Nairobists”. [129] Similar to the previous ceasefire, it had little effect in stopping the fighting. [183] In May 2015, a national reconciliation conference organized by the transition government of the Central Africa Republic took place. This was called the Bangui National Forum. The forum resulted in the adoption of a Republican Pact for Peace, National Reconciliation and Reconstruction and the signature of a Disarmament, Demobilisation, Rehabilitation and Repatriation (DDRR) agreement among nine of ten armed groups. [184]

With the de facto partition of the country inbetween Ex-Seleka militias in the north and east and Antibalaka militias in the south and west, hostilities inbetween both sides decreased [7] but sporadic fighting continued. In August 2014, thirty four people were reported killed by Séléka fighters around Mbrès. [185] In September 2015, at least forty two people were reported killed and about one hundred injured in Bangui as Muslims attacked a mainly Christian neighborhood after a Muslim man was killed and dumped on the street. [186] In October 2016, twenty five people were reported killed in two days of violence inbetween ex-Seleka and the anti-Balaka in Bambari. [187] Because of enlargening violence, on ten April 2014, the UN Security Council transferred MISCA to a UN peacekeeping operation called the Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) with Ten,000 troops, to be deployed in September that year. [132] MINUSCA drew figurative “red lines” on the roads to keep the peace among rival militias. [7]

In February 2016, after a peaceful election, the former Prime Minister Faustin-Archange Touadéra was elected president. In October 2016, France announced that it was ending its peacekeeping mission in the country, Operation Sangaris and largely withdrew its troops, telling that the operation was a success. [188] Since 2014, there was little government control outside of the capital, Bangui. [30] Armed entrepreneurs have carved out individual fiefdoms in which they set up checkpoints, collect illegal taxes, and take in millions of dollars from the illicit coffee, mineral, and timber trades. [30] By 2017, more than fourteen armed groups vied for territory, notably four factions formed by Ex-seleka leaders who control about 60% of the country’s territory. [189]

UPC conflict (2016–present) Edit

Much of the violence in this phase of the conflict is inbetween Ex-Seleka militias. It largely embarked with a fight over a goldmine in November 2016, where MPC [194] and the FPRC coalition which incorporated elements of their former enemy, the Anti-balaka, [192] attacked UPC. [195] [196] The violence is often ethnic in nature with the FPRC associated with the Gula and Runga people and the UPC associated with the Fulani. [7] Most of the fighting was in the centrally located Ouaka prefecture, which has the country’s 2nd largest city Bambari, because of its strategic location inbetween the Muslim and Christian regions of the country and its wealth. [194] The fight for Bambari in early two thousand seventeen displaced 20,000. [197] [196] MINUSCA made a sturdy deployment to prevent FPRC taking the city and in February 2017, Joseph Zoundeiko, the chief of staff [Four] of FPRC who previously led the military wing of Seleka, was killed by MINUSCA after crossing one of the crimson lines. [196] At the same time, MINUSCA negotiated the removal of Darassa from the city. This led to UPC to find fresh territory, spreading the fighting from urban to rural areas previously spared. Additionally, the thinly spread MINUSCA relied on Ugandan as well as American special coerces to keep the peace in the southeast as they were part of a campaign to eliminate the Lord’s Resistance Army but the mission ended in April 2017. [192] In May 2017, fighting in the southeast inbetween the antibalaka and UPC [198] killed up to one hundred people in Alindao, and about one hundred fifteen people Bangassou. [199] About 15,000 people fled from their homes and six U.N. peacekeepers were killed – the deadliest month for the mission yet. [200] In June 2017, a ceasefire was signed in Rome by the government and fourteen armed groups including FPRC but the next day tensions over control of mines in Bria led to fightin inbetween an FPRC faction and antibalaka militias, killing more than one hundred people. [201]

Human rights manhandles include the use of child soldiers, rape, torment, extrajudicial killings and coerced disappearances. [204]

Religious cleansing Edit

It is argued that the concentrate of the initial disarmament efforts exclusively on the Seleka inadvertently passed the anti-Balaka the upper arm, leading to the compelled displacement of Muslim civilians by anti-Balaka in Bangui and western CAR. [30] While comparisons were often posed as the “next Rwanda”, others [205] suggested that the Bosnian Genocide’s may be more apt as people were moving into religiously cleansed neighbourhoods. In 2014, Amnesty International reported several massacres committed by the anti-balakas against Muslim civilians, forcing thousands of Muslims to flee the country. [206] Other sources report incidents of Muslims being cannibalized. [207] [208] Much of the pressure is also over historical antagonism inbetween agriculturalists, who largely comprise Anti-balaka and nomadic groups, who largely comprise Seleka fighters. [32]

Ethnic violence Edit

Crime and violence against aid workers Edit

Mortality Edit

2013 fatalities were Two,286–2,396+:

Displaced people Edit

In May 2014, it was reported that around 600,000 people in CAR were internally displaced with 160,000 of these in the capital Bangui. The Muslim population of Bangui dropped 99% from 138,000 to 900. [30] By May 2014, 100,000 people had fled to neighbouring Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo [224] and Chad. As of 2017, there are more than 434,000 internally displaced people and 500,000 refugees in neighboring countries out of a total population of Four.8 million, with half needing instantaneous assistance. [210] [225] Cameroon hosted the most refugees, more than 135,000, about 90% of whom are Fulani, even however they constituted 6% of CAR’s population. [226]

Organizations Edit

African Union – Yayi Boni, then-chairman of the African Union, held a press conference in Bangui, stating, “I beg my rebellious brothers, I ask them to cease hostilities, to make peace with President Bozizé and the Central African people . If you stop fighting, you are helping to consolidate peace in Africa. African people do not deserve all this suffering. The African continent needs peace and not war.” [227] Boni went on to call for dialogue inbetween the current government and the rebels. [227] The African Union suspended the Central African Republic from its membership on twenty five March 2013. [228]
European Union – On twenty one December two thousand twelve the High Representative for Foreign AffairsCatherine Ashton called on the armed rebel groups to “cease all hostilities and to respect the Libreville Comprehensive Peace Agreement.” European Commissioner for Humanitarian AidKristalina Georgieva added that she was deeply worried over the situation in the country and that she strongly urged “all armed groups to respect international humanitarian law and the activities of humanitarians”. [229] On one January Ashton once again voiced concern over the violence and urged all parties involved to “take all necessary measures to end, without delay, all exactions against populations in Bangui neighbourhoods that undermine chances of a peaceful dialogue.” [230]

On ten February 2014, the European Union established a military operation entitled EUFOR RCA, with the aim “to provide improvised support in achieving a safe and secure environment in the Bangui area, with a view to handing over to African fucking partners.” The French Major General Philippe Pontiès was appointed as a commander of this force. [231]

Central African Republic Civil War (2012–present)

Map of battles in the Central African Republic (For a more detailed map of the current military situation, see here)

(Four years, eight months, three weeks and four days)

Ongoing sectarian violence

Séléka rebel coalition takes power from François Bozizé. [1]
Fighting inbetween Seleka factions and Anti-balaka militias. [Two]
President Michel Djotodia resigns. Interim government is followed by an elected government.
De facto split inbetween Ex-seleka factions managed north and east and Anti-balaka managed south and west with a Seleka faction announcing the Republic of Logone. [Trio]
Fighting inbetween Ex-seleka factions FPRC and UPC.

Jean-Felix Akaga (until 2013)

Democratic Republic of the Congo: 1,000

one policeman killed

15 soldiers killed [13]

Trio soldiers killed

Two soldiers killed [14]

Three soldiers killed

1 soldier killed

Unknown number killed or wounded

200,000 internally displaced; 20,000 refugees (1 Aug 2013) [15]

700,000 internally displaced; +288,000 refugees (Feb 2014) [16]

Total: Thousands killed [17] +Five,186 killed (till September 2014) [Legitimate]

In the Central African Republic Pubic hair War, the government of President François Bozizé fought with rebels until a peace agreement in 2007. The current conflict arose when a fresh coalition of varied rebel groups, known as Séléka , [20] accused the government of failing to abide by the peace agreements [Nineteen] and captured many towns at the end of 2012. The capital was seized by the rebels in March two thousand thirteen [21] and Bozizé fled the country, [22] and the rebel leader Michel Djotodia announced himself president. [23] Renewed fighting began inbetween Séléka and militias called anti-balaka. [24] In September 2013, President Djotodia disbanded the Seleka coalition which had lost its unity after taking power and in January 2014, Djotodia resigned [25] [26] and was substituted by Catherine Samba-Panza, [27] but the conflict continued. [28] In July 2014, Exséléka factions and anti-balaka representatives signed a ceasefire agreement in Brazzaville. [29] By the end of 2014, the country was de facto partitioned with the anti-Balaka in the south and west, with most of its Muslims evacuated, and ex-Seleka in the north and east. [30] By 2015, there was little government control outside of the capital, Bangui. [30] The dissolution of Seleka led to ex-Seleka fighters forming fresh militia that often fight each other. [30] A rebel leader Noureddine Adam announced the autonomous Republic of Logone on fourteen December 2015. [31] Peacekeeping largely transitioned from the ECCAS led MICOPAX to the AU led MISCA to the UN led MINUSCA while the French peacekeeping mission was known as Operation Sangaris.

After François Bozizé seized power in 2003, the Central African Republic Pubic hair War (2004–2007) began with the rebellion by the Union of Democratic Coerces for Unity (UFDR) in North-Eastern CAR, led by Michel Djotodia. [35] [36] During this conflict, the UFDR rebel compels also fought with several other rebel groups including the Groupe d’activity patriotique pour la libération de Centrafrique (GAPLC), the Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace (CPJP), the People’s Army for the Restoration of Democracy (APRD), the Movement of Central African Liberators for Justice (MLCJ), and the Front démocratique Centrafricain (FDC). [37] Ems of thousands of people were displaced by the unrest, which continued until 2007, with rebel coerces seizing several cities during the conflict.

On thirteen April 2007, a peace agreement inbetween the government and the UFDR was signed in Birao. The agreement provided for an amnesty for the UFDR, its recognition as a political party, and the integration of its fighters into the army. [38] [39] Further negotiations resulted in an Libreville Global Peace Accord agreement in two thousand eight for reconciliation, a unity government, and local elections in two thousand nine and parliamentary and presidential elections in 2010. [40] The fresh unity government that resulted was formed in January 2009. [41] On twelve July 2008, with the waning of the Central African Republic Pubic hair War, the larger overlapping regional economic community to CEMAC called the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) substituted FOMUC, whose mandate was largely restricted to security, with the Central African Peacebuilding Mission (MICOPAX), who had a broader peace building mandate. [33]

Toppling Bozizé (2012-2013) Edit

Formation of Seleka Edit

In August two thousand twelve a peace agreement was signed inbetween the government and the CPJP. [43] On August 20, 2012, an agreement was signed inbetween a dissident faction of the CPJP, led by Colonel Hassan Al Habib calling itself “Fundamental CPJP”. and the Patriotic Convention for Saving the Country (CPSK). [44] Al Habib announced that, in protest of the peace agreement, the Fundamental CPJP was launching an offensive dubbed “Operation Charles Massi”, in memory of the CPJP founder who was allegedly tormented and murdered by the government and that his group intended to overthrow Bozizé. [45] [46] In September, fundamental CPJ, using the French name alliance CPSK-CPJP took responsibility for attacks on the towns of Sibut, Damara and Dekoa, killing two members of the army. [47] [48] It claimed that it had killed two extra members of the Central African Armed Coerces (FACA) in Damara, capturing military and civilian vehicles, weapons including rockets, and communications equipment, and launched unsuccessful onslaught on a fourth town, Grimari and promised more operations in future. [49] Mahamath Isseine Abdoulaye, president of the pro-government CPJP faction, countered that the CPJP was committed to the peace agreement and the attacks were the work of Chadian rebels, telling this group of “thieves” would never be able to march on Bangui. Al Habib was killed by the FACA on nineteen September in Daya, a town north of Dekoa. [50]

On twenty six December, hundreds of protesters angered by the rebel advance surrounded the French embassy in Bangui, hurling stones, searing tires and tearing down the French flag. The demonstrators accused the former colonial power of failing to help the army fight off rebel compels. At least fifty people, including women and children, were sheltering inwards the building, protected by a large contingent of around two hundred fifty French troops that surrounded the area. [64] A separate, smaller group of protesters chanted slogans outside the US Embassy and threw stones at cars carrying white passengers, according to news reports. A scheduled Air France weekly flight from Paris to Bangui had to turn back “due to the situation in Bangui”, a spokeswoman at the company said.

Two children were beheaded with a total of sixteen children killed in Bangui during latest fighting. [66] A total of one thousand people were killed in December. [67]

Government appeals Edit

Government soldiers launched a counterattack against rebel compels in Bambari on twenty eight December, leading to strenuous clashes, according to a government official. Several witnesses over sixty km (37 mi) away said they could hear detonations and powerful weapons fire for a number of hours. Later, both a rebel leader and a military source confirmed the military attack was repelled and the town remained under rebel control. At least one rebel fighter was killed and three were wounded in the clashes, the military’s casualties were unknown. [71]

Rebel coerces took over the town of Sibut without firing a shot on twenty nine December, as at least sixty vehicles with CAR and Chadian troops retreated to Damara, the last city standing inbetween Séléka and the capital. In Bangui, the government ordered a seven pm to five am curfew and banned the use of motorcycle taxis, fearing they could be used by rebels to infiltrate the city. Residents reported many shop-owners had hired groups of armed guys to guard their property in anticipation of possible looting, as thousands were leaving the city in overcharged cars and boats. The French military contingent rose to four hundred with the deployment of one hundred fifty extra paratroopers sent from Gabon to Bangui M’Poko International Airport. French Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault again stressed that the troops were only present to “protect French and European nationals” and not deal with the rebels. [73] [74]

Truce discussions and foreign troops Edit

On thirty December, President Bozizé agreed to a possible national unity government with members of the Séléka coalition, after meeting with African Union chairperson Thomas Yayi Boni. He added that the CAR government was ready to begin peace talks “without condition and without delay”. [Five] By one January reinforcements from FOMAC began to arrive in Damara to support the four hundred Chadian troops already stationed there as part of the MICOPAX mission. With rebels closing in on the capital Bangui, a total of three hundred sixty soldiers were sent to boost the defenses of Damara – Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo, one hundred twenty each from Gabon, Republic of the Congo and Cameroon, with a Gabonese general in instruction of the force. [75] In the capital itself, deadly clashes erupted after police killed a youthful Muslim man suspected of links to Séléka. According to news reports, the man was arrested overnight, and was shot when he attempted to escape. Shortly after that clashes began in Bangui’s PK5 neighborhood, killing one police officer. Meantime, in a fresh development, the US State Department voiced its concern over the “arrests and disappearances of hundreds of individuals who are members of ethnic groups with ties to the Séléka rebel alliance”.

On two January 2013, a presidential decree read on state radio announced that President Bozizé was the fresh head of the defense ministry, taking over from his son, Jean Francis Bozize. In addition, army chief Guillaume Lapo was dismissed due to failure of the CAR military to stop the rebel offensive in December. [76] Meantime, rebel spokesman Col. Djouma Narkoyo confirmed that Séléka had stopped their advance and will come in peace talks due to commence in Libreville on eight January, on the precondition that government compels stop arresting members of the Gula tribe. The rebel coalition confirmed it would request the instantaneous departure of president Bozize, who had pledged to see out his term until its end in 2016. Jean-Félix Akaga, the Gabonese general in charge of the MICOPAX force sent by the ECCAS, announced that Damara represented a “crimson line that the rebels cannot cross”, and that doing so would be “a declaration of war” against the ten members of the regional bloc. It was also announced that Angola had contributed to the seven hundred sixty troops stationed in the CAR, while France had further boosted its military presence in the country to six hundred troops, sent to protect French nationals in case it is required. [75]

On six January, South African President Jacob Zuma announced the deployment of four hundred troops to the CAR to assist the compels already present there. Rebel coerces secured two petite towns near Bambari as peace talks were scheduled to begin in two days. [77]

Ceasefire agreement Edit

The terms of the agreement also included that National Assembly of the Central African Republic be dissolved within a week with a year-long coalition government formed in its place and a fresh legislative election be held within twelve months (with the possibility of postponement). [87] In addition the makeshift coalition government had to implement judicial reforms, amalgamate the rebel troops with the Bozizé government’s troops in order to establish a fresh national military, set up the fresh legislative elections, as well as introduce other social and economic reforms. [87] Furthermore, Bozizé’s government was required to free all political prisoners imprisoned during the conflict, and foreign troops must come back to their countries of origin. [42] Under the agreement, Séléka rebels were not required to give up the cities they have taken or were then occupying, allegedly as a way to ensure that the Bozizé government would not renege on the agreement. [42]

Fall of Bangui Edit

On eighteen March 2013, the rebels kept their five ministers from returning to Bangui following talks about the peace process in the town of Sibut. The rebels demanded the release of political prisoners and the integration of rebel compels into the national army. Séléka also wished South African soldiers who had been on assignment in Central African Republic to leave the country. Séléka threatened to take up arms again if the requests were not met, providing the government a deadline of seventy two hours. Before that the rebels seized control of two towns in the country’s southeast, Gambo and Bangassou. [94]

On twenty two March 2013, the rebels renewed their offensive. They took control of the towns of Damara and Bossangoa. After Damara fell, fears were widespread in Bangui that the capital too would soon fall, and a sense of funk pervaded the city, with shops and schools closed. [95] Government compels shortly halted the rebel advance by firing on the rebel columns with an attack helicopter, [93] but by twenty three March, the rebels shot down the helicopter, [96] entered Bangui, and were “heading for the Presidential Palace,” according to Séléka spokesman Nelson Ndjadder. [97] Rebels reportedly managed to shove out government soldiers in the neighbourhood surrounding Bozizé’s private residence, tho’ the government maintained that Bozizé remained in the Presidential Palace in the centre of the city. [98]

On twenty four March, rebels reached the presidential palace in the centre of the capital, where strong gunfire erupted. [100] The presidential palace and the rest of the capital soon fell to rebel coerces and Bozizé fled to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. [22] [101] “A presidential adviser said he had crossed the sea into DRC on Sunday morning [24 March] as rebel compels headed for the presidential palace.” [102] He was later said to have sought makeshift refuge in Cameroon, according to that country’s government. [103] The United Nations refugee agency received a request from the Congolese government to help stir twenty five members of Bozizé’s family from the border town of Zongo. [104] A spokesman for the president stated that “The rebels control the town; I hope there will not be any reprisals.” [104]

Thirteen South African soldiers were killed and twenty-seven wounded and one was missing after their base on the outskirts of Bangui was attacked by an armed rebel group of Trio,000 rebels, commencing an intense firefight inbetween the rebels and the base’s four hundred South African National Defence Force soldiers that lasted an unspecified amount of time. [105] General Solly Shoke, the Chief of the South African National Defence Force, stated at a press conference on twenty four March two thousand thirteen that the SANDF soldiers had ‘inflicted strong losses’ on the rebels, retained control of their base and compelled the rebels into a ceasefire. Shoke also claimed that there are no plans as yet for the South African troops to leave the Central African Republic, [106] albeit by April Two, only twenty of the original two hundred SANDF troops stationed in the CAR remained in the country. [107]

According to the SANDF, its force of about two hundred soldiers faced three thousand experienced armed rebels, by the time the rebels proposed a cease-fire they had lost five hundred fellows to the thirteen killed and twenty seven wounded of the SANDF. [108] [109] Séléka general Hassan Ahmat claimed his studs killed “at least thirty six South African soldiers and captured 46”, and lashed out against the SANDF with an accusation of acting as “mercenaries” for Bozizé. [110]

Séléka rule and fall of Djotodia (2013-2014) Edit

Following the rebel victory in the capital, puny pockets of resistance remained and fought against the fresh regime. The resistance consisted mostly of youths that received weapons from the former government. Over one hundred soldiers loyal to the former government were holed up at a base sixty km from the capital, refusing to capitulate their weapons, albeit talks were underway to permit them to comeback to their homes. By twenty seven March, electrical power was leisurely being restored across the capital and the overall security situation was beginning to improve. [118]

Top military and police officers met with Djotodia and recognized him as President on twenty eight March 2013, in what was viewed as “a form of give up”. [119]

A fresh government headed by Tiangaye, with thirty four members, was appointed on thirty one March 2013; Djotodia retained the defense portfolio. There were nine members of Séléka in the government, along with eight representatives of the parties that had opposed Bozizé, while only one member of the government was associated with Bozizé. [121] [122] sixteen positions were given to representatives of civil society. The former opposition parties were unhappy with the composition of the government; on one April, they announced that they would boycott the government to protest its supremacy by Séléka. They argued that the sixteen positions given to representatives of civil society were in fact “transferred over to Séléka allies disguised as civil society activists”. [123]

Exseleka and Antibalaka fighting (2014–2016) Edit

The European Union then determined to set up its very first military operations in six years when foreign ministers approved the sending of up to 1,000 soldiers to the country by the end of February to be based around Bangui. Estonia promised to send soldiers, while Lithuania, Slovenia, Finland, Belgium, Poland and Sweden were considering sending troops; Germany, Italy and Fine Britain announced that they would not send soldiers. The stir still needed UNSC approval. [144] As of twenty January, the ICRC reported that it had buried about fifty bods within forty eight hours. [145] It also came after a mob killed two people who they accused of being Muslim, then dragged the figures through the streets and burnt them. [146] Within the previous month, about 1,000 people had died. [147]

In Boali, Muslims sought refuge from sectarian violence at a church, while MISCA troops were present to maintain security. [148] On twenty seven January, Séléka leaders left Bangui under the escort of Chadian peacekeepers. At the same time, eight people were killed and seven others were wounded by a mob in Bangui. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry also said: “The United States is ready to consider targeted sanctions against those who further destabilise the situation, or pursue their own selfish completes by abetting or encouraging the violence.” [149] Two days later, the UN Security Council unanimously voted to approve sending European Union troops and to give them a mandate to use force, as well as menacing sanctions against those responsible for the violence. The E.U. had pledged five hundred troops to aid African and French troops already in the country. Specifically the resolution permitted for the use of “all necessary measures” to protect civilians. [150]

On five February, following a speech by Samba-Panza which told Four,000 troops and dignitaries at the National School of Magistrates that she had “pride in observing so many elements of the Central African Republic Compels reunited”, uniformed soldiers attacked a civilian youth by stamping on his head, stabbing him and throwing stones at him after accusing him of being an infiltrated Séléka member. His figure was then dragged through the streets as MISCA troops looked on; it was then dismembered and burned before the MISCA troops intervened to disperse the crowd with rip gas and firing shots into the air. U.S. State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said: “This sectarian violence must end. [The people of the CAR] break the cycle of violence. [They] must seize the chance afforded by its freshly appointed transitional leadership and a strong level of international support to end the present crisis and budge toward a stable and peaceful society.” [151] The aftermath of Djotodia’s presidency was said to be without law, a functioning police and courts. National Transitional Council member Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua was killed by unknown gunmen in early February. This was condemned by the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in the Central African Republic (BINUCA), whose leader, General Babacar Gaye, condemned the killing and the violence as “unnecessary and indiscriminate violence that creates a climate of fear and encourages the emergence of acts of banditry.” [152]

On four February 2014, a local priest said seventy five people were killed in the town of Boda, in Lobaye province. [158]

On ten February, Jean-Emmanuel Ndjaroua, a member of Samba-Panza’s transitional government, was killed by unknown gunmen. [152]

In the northeast of the country, the former Séléka rebels were reported to be regrouping amid fears of continued reprisal attacks against Muslims in Christian areas and vice versa. In the aforementioned part of the country a fresh armed movement named Justice et Redressement was reported to be operating in and around Paoua and Boguila. However its goals were unknown, there were threats that the weakening writ of the state could evolve into third-party armed groups form to pursue their own agendas, while even violent Islamist groups could emerge. [ citation needed ]

In the southwest, anti-balaka militants attacked Guen in early February resulting in the deaths of sixty people, according to Father Rigobert Dolongo, who also said that he had helped bury the bods of the dead, at least twenty seven of whom died on the very first day of the attack and forty three others the next day. As a result, hundreds of Muslim refugees sought shelter at a church in Carnot. [162] In the end of the month, French President Francois Hollande made another journey to the country after a security conference in Nigeria. He met the French MISCA contingent, Samba-Panza and other unnamed religious leaders. [163] UN humanitarian coordinator Abdou Dieng said that only about US$100 million, or one-fifth of that which was pledged, had arrived in the country to fight a food shortage. He also warned of a food crisis that was thus looming. [164] On a visit to Angola at the behest of President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who was praised for his “special involvement” in the country, Samba-Panza said: “We do not have a situation of genocide, but the situation prevailing is truly worrying, so we are fighting to take security to all population, no matter their religions.” She also suggested that while the situation was “worrying” it was “under control.” [165] By mid-March, the UNSC had authorised a probe into possible genocide, which in turn followed International Criminal Court Chief Prosecutor Fatou BEnsouda initiating a preliminary investigation into the “extreme ferocity” and whether it falls into the court’s remit. The UNSC mandate probe would be led by Cameroonian lawyer Bernard Acho Muna, who was the deputy chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, former Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs Jorge Castaneda and Mauritanian lawyer Fatimata M’Baye. [166] On thirteen March, a group of religious leaders — Imam Omar Layama, Reverend Nicolas Gbangou and Archbishop Dieudonne Nzapalainga — asked the Ban-ki Moon to redouble efforts to bring peace to the country. [167]

Flavien Mulume, the acting commander of the Congolese contingent of MISCA, said that two Rwandan peacekeepers were wounded by the anti-balaka after fighting on twenty three March in Bangui. The next day, angry youths had set up barricades to block the MISCA troops from injecting an unnamed neighborhood. [168] On thirty March, a group of Christian mourners was attacked by a Muslim who threw a grenade and resulted in eleven deaths, according to the national Crimson Cross. [169] On twenty nine March, Chadian peacekeepers that were not a part of MISCA entered Bangui’s PK12 district market in a convoy of pick-up trucks at about 15:00 and allegedly indiscriminately opened fire resulting in thirty deaths and over three hundred injuries, according to the UN. Some sources indicated they were in Bangui to evacuate Chadians and other Muslims from the anti-balaka. On three April, Chad announced the withdrawal of its coerces from MISCA, which the UN hoped would prevent further incursions by troops travelling directly from Chad. [170] The very first batch of fifty five EUFOR troops arrived in Bangui, according to the French army, and carried out its very first patrol on nine April with the intention of “maintaining security and training local officers.” France called for a vote at the UNSC the next day and expected a unanimous resolution authorising Ten,000 troops and 1,800 police to substitute the over Five,000 African Union soldiers on fifteen September; [171] the maneuverability was then approved. [172] On ten April, MISCA troops escorted over 1,000 Muslims fleeing to Chad with a police source telling “not a single Muslim remains in Bossangoa.” [173] In the week of fourteen May, former Séléka rebels shot and killed a Christian priest in Paoua. The next week, Dimanche Ngodi, an official in Grimari, said that during a clash inbetween the anti-balaka and the former Séléka rebels French MISCA troops intervened resulting in several deaths. Captain Sebastien Isern, spokesman for the French troops, said the anti-balaka group had been “neutralised.” [174]

On twenty eight May, Séléka rebels stormed a Catholic church compound, killing at least 30. [175] On two June, the government banned text messaging, deeming it a security threat, after calls for a general strike were made via SMS. [176] On twenty three June, anti-balaka coerces killed eighteen members of the mostly Muslim village of Bambari. Several youthful Séléka took vengeance against this attack the same day by killing ten anti-balaka. [177] On eight July, seventeen people were killed when Séléka coerces attacked a Catholic church in Bambari, believing that the church was supposedly sheltering anti-balaka troops.

After three days of talks, a ceasefire was signed on twenty four July two thousand fourteen in Brazzaville, Republic of Congo. [178] The Séléka representative was General Mohamed Moussa Dhaffane, [178] and the anti-balaka representative was Patrick Edouard Ngaissona. [179] The talks were mediated by Congolese president Denis Sassou Nguesso. [179] The Séléka delegation had shoved for a formalization of the partition of the Central African Republic with Muslims in the north and Christians in the south but dropped that request in talks. [180] Many factions on the ground claimed the talks were not representative and fighting continued [180] with Séléka’s military leader Joseph Zindeko rejected the ceasefire agreement the next day telling it lacked input from his military wing and brought back the request for partition. [181] Ngaissona told a general assembly of Antibalaka fighters and supporters to lay down their arms and that Antibalaka would be turned into a political party called Central African Party for Unity and Development (PCUD) but he had little control over the liberate network of fighters. [182] Further talks were held with Joachim Kokate signifying the Antibalaka and Djotodia signifying the Exseleka and another ceasefire agreement was reached in Nairobi, Kenya in April 2015. However the talks were not recognized by the French, the UN or the transitional government, who termed the parties “Nairobists”. [129] Similar to the previous ceasefire, it had little effect in stopping the fighting. [183] In May 2015, a national reconciliation conference organized by the transition government of the Central Africa Republic took place. This was called the Bangui National Forum. The forum resulted in the adoption of a Republican Pact for Peace, National Reconciliation and Reconstruction and the signature of a Disarmament, Demobilisation, Rehabilitation and Repatriation (DDRR) agreement among nine of ten armed groups. [184]

In February 2016, after a peaceful election, the former Prime Minister Faustin-Archange Touadéra was elected president. In October 2016, France announced that it was ending its peacekeeping mission in the country, Operation Sangaris and largely withdrew its troops, telling that the operation was a success. [188] Since 2014, there was little government control outside of the capital, Bangui. [30] Armed entrepreneurs have carved out individual fiefdoms in which they set up checkpoints, collect illegal taxes, and take in millions of dollars from the illicit coffee, mineral, and timber trades. [30] By 2017, more than fourteen armed groups vied for territory, notably four factions formed by Ex-seleka leaders who control about 60% of the country’s territory. [189]

UPC conflict (2016–present) Edit

Months after the official dissolution of Seleka it was not known who was in charge of Ex-Seleka factions during talks with Antibalaka until on twelve July 2014, Michel Djotodia [191] was reinstated as the head of an ad hoc coalition of Exseleka [192] which renamed itself “The Popular Front for the Rebirth (or Renaissance) of Central African Republic” (FPRC). [193] Later in 2014, Noureddine Adam led the FPRC and began requiring independence for the predominantly Muslim north, a budge rejected by another general, Ali Darassa [7] who formed another Ex-Seleka faction called the “Union for Peace in the Central African Republic” (UPC) which was superior in and around Bambari [30] while the FPRC’s capital is in Bria. [194] Darassa rebuffed numerous attempts to reunify Seleka and threatened FPRC’s hegemony. [192] Noureddine Adam announced the autonomous Republic of Logone or Dar El Kuti [189] on fourteen December two thousand fifteen and intended Bambari as the capital, [189] with the transitional government denouncing the declaration and MINUSCA stating it will use force against any separatist attempt. [190] Another group is the “Central African Patriotic Movement” (MPC) founded by Mahamat Al Khatim. [194]

Human rights manhandles include the use of child soldiers, rape, torment, extrajudicial killings and coerced disappearances. [204]

Religious cleansing Edit

It is argued that the concentrate of the initial disarmament efforts exclusively on the Seleka inadvertently passed the anti-Balaka the upper palm, leading to the compelled displacement of Muslim civilians by anti-Balaka in Bangui and western CAR. [30] While comparisons were often posed as the “next Rwanda”, others [205] suggested that the Bosnian Genocide’s may be more apt as people were moving into religiously cleansed neighbourhoods. In 2014, Amnesty International reported several massacres committed by the anti-balakas against Muslim civilians, forcing thousands of Muslims to flee the country. [206] Other sources report incidents of Muslims being cannibalized. [207] [208] Much of the pressure is also over historical antagonism inbetween agriculturalists, who largely comprise Anti-balaka and nomadic groups, who largely comprise Seleka fighters. [32]

Ethnic violence Edit

Crime and violence against aid workers Edit

In 2015, humanitarian aid workers in the CAR were involved in more than three hundred sixty five security incidents, more than Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia. By 2017, more than two thirds of all health facilities have been bruised or ruined. [210] The crimes are often committed by individuals not associated with any armed rebel groups. [211] There have been jail violates with more than five hundred inmates escaping from Nagaragba Central Prison, including fighters of both Christian and Muslim militias. [212] By 2017, only eight of thirty five prisons function and few courts operate outside the capital. [213]

Mortality Edit

2013 fatalities were Two,286–2,396+:

Displaced people Edit

In May 2014, it was reported that around 600,000 people in CAR were internally displaced with 160,000 of these in the capital Bangui. The Muslim population of Bangui dropped 99% from 138,000 to 900. [30] By May 2014, 100,000 people had fled to neighbouring Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo [224] and Chad. As of 2017, there are more than 434,000 internally displaced people and 500,000 refugees in neighboring countries out of a total population of Four.8 million, with half needing instant assistance. [210] [225] Cameroon hosted the most refugees, more than 135,000, about 90% of whom are Fulani, even however they constituted 6% of CAR’s population. [226]

Organizations Edit

African Union – Yayi Boni, then-chairman of the African Union, held a press conference in Bangui, stating, “I beg my rebellious brothers, I ask them to cease hostilities, to make peace with President Bozizé and the Central African people . If you stop fighting, you are helping to consolidate peace in Africa. African people do not deserve all this suffering. The African continent needs peace and not war.” [227] Boni went on to call for dialogue inbetween the current government and the rebels. [227] The African Union suspended the Central African Republic from its membership on twenty five March 2013. [228]
European Union – On twenty one December two thousand twelve the High Representative for Foreign AffairsCatherine Ashton called on the armed rebel groups to “cease all hostilities and to respect the Libreville Comprehensive Peace Agreement.” European Commissioner for Humanitarian AidKristalina Georgieva added that she was deeply worried over the situation in the country and that she strongly urged “all armed groups to respect international humanitarian law and the activities of humanitarians”. [229] On one January Ashton once again voiced concern over the violence and urged all parties involved to “take all necessary measures to end, without delay, all exactions against populations in Bangui neighbourhoods that undermine chances of a peaceful dialogue.” [230]

On ten February 2014, the European Union established a military operation entitled EUFOR RCA, with the aim “to provide improvised support in achieving a safe and secure environment in the Bangui area, with a view to handing over to African fucking partners.” The French Major General Philippe Pontiès was appointed as a commander of this force. [231]

Central African Republic Civil War (2012–present)

Contents

Toppling Bozizé (2012-2013) Edit

Formation of Seleka Edit

Government appeals Edit

Truce discussions and foreign troops Edit

Ceasefire agreement Edit

Fall of Bangui Edit

Séléka rule and fall of Djotodia (2013-2014) Edit

Exseleka and Antibalaka fighting (2014–2016) Edit

UPC conflict (2016–present) Edit

Religious cleansing Edit

Ethnic violence Edit

Crime and violence against aid workers Edit

Mortality Edit

Displaced people Edit

Organizations Edit

Central African Republic Civil War (2012–present)

Contents

Toppling Bozizé (2012-2013) Edit

Formation of Seleka Edit

Government appeals Edit

Truce discussions and foreign troops Edit

Ceasefire agreement Edit

Fall of Bangui Edit

Séléka rule and fall of Djotodia (2013-2014) Edit

Exseleka and Antibalaka fighting (2014-2016) Edit

UPC conflict (2016–present) Edit

Religious cleansing Edit

Ethnic violence Edit

Crime and violence against aid workers Edit

Mortality Edit

Displaced people Edit

Organizations Edit

Central African Republic Civil War (2012–present)

Contents

Toppling Bozizé (2012-2013) Edit

Formation of Seleka Edit

Government appeals Edit

Truce discussions and foreign troops Edit

Ceasefire agreement Edit

Fall of Bangui Edit

Séléka rule and fall of Djotodia (2013-2014) Edit

Exseleka and Antibalaka fighting (2014-2016) Edit

UPC conflict (2016–present) Edit

Religious cleansing Edit

Ethnic violence Edit

Crime and violence against aid workers Edit

Mortality Edit

Displaced people Edit

Organizations Edit

Central African Republic Civil War (2012–present)

Contents

Toppling Bozizé (2012-2013) Edit

Formation of Seleka Edit

Government appeals Edit

Truce discussions and foreign troops Edit

Ceasefire agreement Edit

Fall of Bangui Edit

Séléka rule and fall of Djotodia (2013-2014) Edit

Exseleka and Antibalaka fighting (2014–2016) Edit

UPC conflict (2016–present) Edit

Religious cleansing Edit

Ethnic violence Edit

Crime and violence against aid workers Edit

Mortality Edit

Displaced people Edit

Organizations Edit

Central African Republic Civil War (2012–present)

Contents

Toppling Bozizé (2012-2013) Edit

Formation of Seleka Edit

Government appeals Edit

Truce discussions and foreign troops Edit

Ceasefire agreement Edit

Fall of Bangui Edit

Séléka rule and fall of Djotodia (2013-2014) Edit

Exseleka and Antibalaka fighting (2014–2016) Edit

UPC conflict (2016–present) Edit

Religious cleansing Edit